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Assassinations of Jurgen Möllemann & Stephen Hilder Helped Set Up That of Dr. David Kelly

2012-01-12T14:11:00.002Z

by Trowbridge H. Ford

When the 'shock and awe' campaign against Saddam Hussein started in Iraq, all kinds of security services knew that there would be devastating blowback because of all the propaganda that had been used to justify it, especially that he had weapons of mass destruction (WMD), so they took steps to limit it if at all possible. Director Meir Dagan's Mossad was the instrument of choice in the killings as it had provided the leading disinformer, and been given the green light by the various security services concerned to make sure that no officials were in a position to exploit it. And Dagan's problem-solving dealt mainly with shooting its source.

It was feared that Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic - the politician who had seen that Slobodan Milosevic was sent to The Hague to answer war crimes charges for the actions by his forces in Bosnia - would be the first to exploit the opportunity, so he was gunned down while he was meeting with like-minded Swedish Foreign Minister Anna Lindh in Belgrade in March, 2003 for fear that they would tighten the screws upon Israel because of the excesses it had engaged in to justify the war.

The killing of Djindjic was a good example of the old adage: "a stitch in time saves nine." While there had not yet been any opportunity on the ground to determine whether the Iraqi dictator had any WMD, his failure to use either nuclear or chemical ones during the bombing campagin to soften it up for invasion proved that he didn't have them. He had planned to do so before any Gulf war if he had had them. Then was the ideal time to use them - when American troops and those of its allies were massing in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and other Gulf states - and since he hadn't, they knew that the gig was up. And then was the time to kill a likely troublemaker like the Serbian Prime Minister, so it was then done.

Once this was accomplished, it then became a question of when the propaganda to justify it started to unravel, and who would become the most dangerous whistleblower. The obvious suspect was Jurgen Möllemann. the maverick Free Democrat Party (FDP) leader from North Rhine-Westphalia in Germany, given the razor-thin majority that Gerhard Schroeder's Social Democrats had in the Bundestag. Möllemann had started out as a member of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), but switiched to the FDP, being elected to the Bundesrat in 1972. He served as a minister of foreign affairs and secretary of state for education and then economic affairs in the coalition governments of Helmut Kohl.

He had to resign, however, in January 1993 after it was discovered that he had urged several chain stores to buy products made by a relatives' company. Then he resigned from the party in late 1994 when he was not asked by FDP leader Klaus Kinkel to attend coalition talks with Kohl's CDU. In June 1995, he stood against Wolfgang Gerhardt for the FDP leadership, but failed badly in the election. He still kept the leadership of the party's delegation in the the North-Rhine Westphaia parliament.(1) Out of government, he made big commissions by brokering arms deals, with the help of the Mossad, for Arab governments, thanks to his connections in Lebanon, Syria, and Israel.

In the lead-up to the 2002 Bundestag election, Möllemann tried to make the most of his leadership of the German-Arabic Society, championing the Palestinian cause, and claiming that the Federal Republic was as occupied as Palestine, thanks to the control that Jews had on its politics. He brought Syrian-born, Green Party representative Jamal Karsli, who claimed the Israeli Defense Force treated Palestinians with "Nazi methods", into its ranks, hoping that more Greens would follow suit. Möllemann supplied $981,000. allegedly out of his own pocket, for the printing of eight million leaflets, atttacking Prime Minister Ariel Sharon for his leadership of Israel. "Mr. Möllemann also accused a prominent German Jewish chatshow host, Michael Friedman, of encouraging anti-semitism because of his 'intolerant, spiteful manner.' " (2)

It was thought that Möllemann's attacks upon Jews hurt the FDP in the election, and he resigned from the party in March after he claimed in his best-selling book, Klartext (Frankly Speaking), that FDP leader Guido Westerwelle was being blackmailed by the Mossad, though keeping his seat in the Bundestag. "...Dogged by allegations of anti-semitism and sleaze," he became the object of an investigation for fraud, and alleged illegal use of FDP funds.

At the same time, the misuse of intelligence about Saddam's alleged WMD by the BND, the Geman foreign intelligence agency, was finally being exposed. Well before the 9/11 attacks, Rafid Ahmed Alwan al-Janabi, code-name Curveball, told the BND while out of work that he knew all about Iraq's illegal weapons programs, especially its mobile trucks for the production of chemical and biological weapons. He was granted asylum by the Germans on March 13, 2000, and later in the year, he was flown to Dubai where he was interviewed by his former weapons boss in Iraq, Dr. Basil Latif, who determined that his claims were all lies and flights of fantasy. British MI6 agents witnessed the exposure of his fabrications which even he ultimately acknowledged. As a result, the BND ordered him to keep a low profile in the small town of Erlangen, outside of Nurnburg.(3)

Shortly before the second vote in the UN on invading Iraq, al-Janabi was coerced in going along with his lies or his family would be expelled to Morocco. In January 2003, he was specifically asked if Iraq was still producing WMD at an alleged birdseed-producing plant, and if Saddam had mobile trucks to disttribute them, and he agreed. Consequently, they were the centerpiece of Secretary of State Colin Powell's speech on the resolution at the UN. Curveball knew what was coming from him when he got going. "He was, after all," Mark Chulov and Helen Pidd most belatedly concluded in The Guardian, "Powell's main source, a man his German handlers had feted as a new 'Deep Thoat' - an agent so pivotal that he could bring down a government." (4)

While that quickly proved to be the case with Saddam's, it soon began to threaten that of Curveball's handlers, that of the Federal German Republic. Washington, which had not been brought into his debriefings, was still convinced that finding Saddam's WMD was "a slam-drunk", to use the basketball terminology that DCI George Tenet had confided to the President. On May 29th, the President proclaimed at a Polish press conference: "We found weapons of mass destruction. We found biological laboratories. You remember when Colin Powell stood up in front of the world, and said, Iraq had got laboratories, mobile labs to build biological weapons. They're illegal. They're against the United Nations resolutions, and we've so far discovered two. And we'll find more weapons as time goes on." (5)

The truth was just the opposite, and Bush and Tenet started fearing it. Bush nearly exploded a few days later when he learned at a stopover in Qatar that neither SoD Donald Rumsfled nor chief administrator of Iraq Paul Bremer were doing anything about finding the WMD. Each thought the other was responsible, and was doing the searches. As a result, the President looked to appoint David Kay to run the new, 1,400-man Iraq Survey Group. Kay was a veteran nuclear weapons inspector who also had a Ph.D. in political science, and had uncovered after the first Gulf War how close Saddam was to having nuclear weapons despite Israeli assurances to the contrary because of its having destroyed the Osirak nuclear reactor there a decade earlier.

"Instead Kay had uncovered the covert funding for a nuclear program code-named 'PC3'," Woodward wrote, "involving 5,000 people testing and building ingredients for a nuclear bomb such as calutrons, centrifuges, neutron initiators, high-explosive lenses and enriched-uranium bomb cores. Saddam was on a crash program to build and detonate a crude nuclear weapon in the desert as a demonsration to the world, to say, 'Now we've got one.' " (6) If Washingon had known about Saddam's program, there might not have been the Gluf War. Little wonder that Kay did not now have much confidence in what the Israelis were claiming, and the Mossad knew it

And just at this time, it was claimed that Curveball was a cousin of one of Ahmed Chalabi's aides.(7) Others contend that he is the younger brother of the aide. Chalabi was the head of the Iraqi National Congress, based in London and funded by Dick Cheney's office, and the Israelis were hoping that a post-Saddam regime in Iraq would be supportive of their interests, especially in reconnecting the Iraqi pipeline from the oilfields to Haifa. Then Chalabi's newphew, Salem, became the prosecutor of Saddam, and hoped to write the new Iraqi Constitution. Seems most likely that some of the money ended up in Möllemann's German-Arabic Society, and helped pay for the leaflets, attacking Ariel Sharon's government. In sum, it seems that Möllemann was working with Chalabi's group, hoping to use the Anglo-American ouster of Saddam to assist Iranian aims.

How the Mossad and the BND determined this was the result of eavesdropping on Möllemann's e-mails and writings on his computer, thanks to the equipment that Joseph "Kobi" Alexander had developed at Verint, a subsidiary of Converse Technology. Its STAR-GATE system was intercepting and storing a large percentage of the world's voice and data communications "...through wiretaps built, installed, and maintained by a small, secret Israeli company run by former Israeli military and intelligence officers." (8) In addition, Verint could automatically access vast amounts of stored and real-time data from anywhere, and its associated system PerSay could mine messages simply on the basis of a target's voice. While Bamford stressed the capability it gave Israel's Unit 8200 to eavesdrop on what America's National Security Agency (NSA) was doing, it also applied to what Deutsche Telekom and Richard Branson's Virgin group were up to. "They undertake a wide range of technical operations and human operations," a former Unit 8200 official told Bamford. "The denials are laughable." (9)

And the use of Chalabi's information in the war in Iraq did not stop with the toppling of Saddam's regime. Operation Highlander, NSA's program to locate and eliminate suspected terrorists in Iraq, became so leaderless and disorganized that it ultimately resorted to using his lists of targets, as its linguists Adirenne Kinne and John Berry explained to Bamford. "It was part of a plan to decapitae the Iraqi leadership at the start of the war." (10) While Kinne was trying to rescue some American NGO aid workers from harm, she received a fax from the INC, listing where WMD could be found, including the Palestine Hotel where the main jouralists covering the war were staying, but failed to take action on it.

The fax should have been sent immediaely as a CRITIC, "...the NSA's highest-priority message, designed to reach the president's desk within five minutes." (10) In defending herself for the delay, Kinne explained that Chalabi had no credibility - what colleague Berry shot down by stating that she was just a collector of information, not its evaluator. She responded that it was the first time she had been queried about where a fax was, believing that Washington knew about it because it was behind Chalabi being able to have it intercepted in the first place - what she was reminded of chillingly when an article in U.S. News and World Report confirmed that the INC had been feeding misinformation to coalition forces during Saddam's ouster. She was particularly appalled at seeing the Palesine Hotel on the list since American journalists would not believe that they were being spied on and attacked, and targets were hit in highly populated areas, killing many innocent people.

In this context, Möllemann planned to cash in on all the illegal actions he had helped happen, as he explained in a piece on his personal computer: "The United Nations must officially establish and charge that Washington and London and some others led an illegal war (according to international law) on Iraq, if the United Nations doesn't wish to become the laughing stock of the world. But simply that, and our morale indignation will not take us further. Central Europe has to prepare itself for substantial long-term investments in research as well as in military. If Europe will not do this, it will remain the drawf in international politics - which we already are - and also Europe will become the economic pygmy." (11) In case Shroeder's government did get the message, Möllemann added getting rid of impediments to economic expansion, and the sacred cows when it came to protecting the labor force.

Little wonder that when the BND got the message - thanks to Deusche Telekom's ability to eavesdrop on Möllemann's cellphone calls, to collect his e-mails, and mine his writing on his computer through its Verint programs - he became a target tó be disposed of And Meir Dagan's Mossad was obliged to take him out because of its support of Chalabi and his INC. Little wonder that just before DCI Tenet discusaed on June 5th with David Kay the terms under which he would lead the Iraq Survey Group (12), Möllemann discovered that when he made another of his famous parachute jumps over Marl, near Köln, the canopy ripped away from the harness, and the emergency chute failed to open, as he struggled to regain control during the last 1,000 meters of his descent. He died instantly..

Just that morning the Bundestag had stripped him of his parliamentary immunity because of his alleged illegalities, making it look like he had mysteriously killed himself since it was first reported that there was nothing wrong with his parachute (13), and he jumped with nine friends. Of course, it made the two events look somehow covertly connected. As the real facts of the tragedy started to emerge, the authorities started claiming that it was a suicide, though he had not taken any drugs, had not left a suicide note, and those who knew him best, like former FDP leader Hans-Dietrich Gensher, thought that he would never do such a thing.

The biggest reason why the mysterious death didn't die was because Bild, the biggest tabloid in Germany, while playing it down, failed to mention the similar myterious death that German politician Uwe Barchel had suffered in 1987. Christopher Bollyn wrote an article, "The Bizarre Death of Jurgen Möllemann," making note of the failure, and using Victor Ostrovsky's 1994 claim in The Other Side of Deception: A Rogue Agent Exposes the Mossad's Secret Agenda.that one of its kidons had done the killing (14) While the claim seems to have been a bit of disinformation that the Mossad agent provided to help get the Iran-Contra covert operators, especially Ted Shackley's people, out of trouble, repeating it now just got Dagan's operators into unexpected difficulties, particularly when the article started getting exposure, even in Germany.

With the growing uncertainly about why and how Möllemann died, his killers apparently killed Royal cadet Stephen Hilder of the Royal Military College of Science in Oxfordshire, England in the hope of making such parachute accidents look quite common - which was certainly not the case - and setting a precedent for killing in Britain if that became necessary with the more damaging whistleblower about Saddam's alleged WMD,.Dr. David Kelly appearing on the scence. About two weeks later, Andrew Gilligan started getting traction on the "sexing up" claim in the dossier about Iraq's WMD, appearing before the Commons Foreign Affairs Committee as a witness - what Kelly had expressed grave doubts about. The controversy was about how many sources Gilligan had, and was one of them Kelly.

On June 30th, he finally wrote his line manager at the MoD, Dr. Bryan Wells, that he had had an unauthorized meeting with Gilligan, but that he did not believe that he was one of his sources. On July 4th, Kelly was interviewed by Wells' superior at the MoD, Richard Hatfield, who decided that Kelly was probably not Gilligan's source. (15) Seems this information was learned by the killers though the Verint capability they had which exploited Richard Branson's Virgin network, and realized that they had to act quickly to contain the growing difficulty before it became totally unmanageable..

Kelly's letter was like Kay's complaints about how poor the US Army's pursuit of Saddam's alleged WMD had been. No sooner did Wells and his superiors at the MoD start discussing what Kelly had done, and what it should do about it than the parachute assassins, apparently Mossad ones again, cut the straps on Hilder's main and auxiliary parachutes, resulting in his failling 13,000 feet to his death while performing in the Britrish Collegiate Parachute Championships on July 5th over Hibaldstow Airport in Lincolnshire.

Of course, the police originally suspected murder, arresting Hilder's fellow skydivers as suspects, but no case could be made against them. Then the police suspected other divers or spectators at the show had done it, creating only a sense of paranoia among the sky diving community since no likely suspects were found. Ten months later, the Humberside police finally resorted to claiming that it was a suicide, Hilder, while packing his chute, "had sabotaged it himself.," and that no one else could have been involved. (16) The police based the claims upon the facts that scissors in the boot of his car had fibers on it from the parachute. But since others could have had access to all, this really didn't solve anything. The Coroner for North Lincolnshire Stuart Atkinson ultimately didn't buy it, ruling it an "unexplained death," and it still is.

While the murders of Möllemann an Hilder gave the Mossad and British intelligence services breathing time to deal with the growing problems, they did not solve them, as shall be seen.

References

1. http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk/mpapps/pagetools/print/news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/2966262.stm
2. Ibid.
3. http://www.guaredian.co.uk/world/2011/feb/15/curveball-iraqi-fantasist-cia-saddam
4. Ibid.
5. Quoted from Bob Woodward; Bush at War, Part III: State of Denial, pp. 209-10.
6. Ibid., p. 215.
7. http://www.guardian.uk.co/wolrd/2005/apr/03/iraq.usa1
8. James Bamford, The Shadow Factory: The Ultra-Secret NSA from 9/11 to the Eavesdropping on America, p. 241.
9. Quoted from ibid., pp. 242-3.
10. Ibid., p. 147.
11. http://www.kulturserver-berlin.e/home/catsinthenet/june_8__03.htm
12, Woodward, op. cit., p, 213ff.
13. http://www.bbc.co./2/hi/europe/2870066.stm
14. http://www.erichufschmid.net/TFG/Bollyn_Moellemann-murder.html
15. For the timeline about developments, see this link: http://dailymail.co.uk/news/article-206756/In-focus-timeline-Dr-Kelly-affair.html
16. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1462599/Why-would-Stephen-kill-himself.html

Assassination of Zoran Djindjic: Background to Mossad Hits on Jurgen Möllemann & WMD Inspector Dr. David Kelly

2012-01-04T09:54:00.000Z

by Trowbridge H. Ford

The assassination of Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic on March 12, 2003 had all the hallmarks of a coup d'etat - what various covert operators, especially ones from Israel's Mossad, had deliberately arranged to make look like one - but it was actually just a deliberate effort to get rid of the most likely troublemaker before it was too late. Djindjic seemed a most unlikely one since he had the least nefarious past of all the others who had seen to former President Slobodan Milosevic's defeat in the presidential election in October 2000, and had helped arrange his transfer to the War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague.

Djindjic, though, had a keen sense of which way the wind was blowing during Yugoslavia's recent past, and had nearly always been the first one to change directions when conditions seemed to call for it. The Prime Minister knew that the task ahead now was seeing that the war criminals, domestic and foreign, followed Slobodan to the tribunal. The only trouble in doing so was that he crossed the man who had made a career of stopping in their tracks such policy innovators: the Mossad's Director Meir Dagan.

Djindjic was born in Bosnia, the son of a Yugoslav army officer serving there, and his changes of posts soon took him to Belgrade where Zoran began a serious academic career in philosophy at its university, a most politically-charged endeavor, given Marshal Tito's efforts to steer a course between East and West during the height of the Cold War. Djindjic soon fell afoul of the authorities by organizing student demonstrations against how they conducted affairs, resulting his being imprisoned in 1974, and obliging him to flee to Frankfurt three years later so that he could complete his studies.

There he studied under Jurgen Habermas at the University of Konstantz who objected to the resigned pessimism of fellow theoretical social thinkers like Max Herkeimer, and said so in The Theory of Communicative Action. Djindjic not only took the message to heart, but went back to Yugoslavia in 1987 to spread the message by helping see that Habermas was made a member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts the following year, and that Milosevic became President in 1989.

Djindjic, while teaching at the University of Novi Sad, soon became disillusioned again about how affairs were going, helping found the radical Democratic Party (DS), and becoming its president in 1993 while organizing protests against the elections Milosevic annulled because he disliked the results. Djindjic soon, however, favored the break-up of both Bosnia and Yugoslavia because he believed that Serbs could not peacefully live with Bosniacs and Muslims. "In 1994," CNN reported after his assassination," he visited the Bosnian Serb headquarters in Pale as they laid seige to neaby Sararjevo, Reuters said," possibly resulting in his being photographed in the famous video which showed all the covert operators, probably including Israelis too, involved in the operation - what became so explosive at Milosevic's war crimes trial at The Hague. This would demonstrate that Djindjic had been most self-serving when he shipped the ousted President to the tribunal in June 2001 in exchange for $1,200,000,000 in international ecomonic aid.

Still, Djindjic was able to get elected Belgrade's mayor in 1996, thanks to the Zajedno ('Together') coalition which he put together with Vuk Draskovic's SPO party, and Vesna Pesic's GSS party, but the coalition fell apart after four months when Djindjic's radicalism could not be coopted into the President's expansionist plans at the expense of Kosovo. The demonstrations in Belgrade Djindjic organized in October 1997 to out Milosevic were completely upstaged by his confrontation with NATO over the province's future.

During the countdown to NATO's bombing campaign to force the Serbs to withdraw from Kosovo, Milosevic finally fell out with the provocative publisher Slavko Curuviga, apparently because he had learned of Yugoslavia's collusion with the Israelis in trying to oust the Muslims from Bosnia and now in Kosovo, and threatened to tell.

The publishing mogul had already tipped his hand by writing an open letter, entitled "What Now Milosevic?", to the President in October 1998, claiming that he was the source of all the country's problems. Moreover, Curuviga was a close friend of former security chief boss, Jovica Stanisic, but unlike the sacked security chief, he could not simply be silenced by being replaced by a new crony. Curuviga had his own media network, based upon the most influential daily newspaper, Dnevni Telegraf, and The European, a most important outlet if Yugoslavia ever hoped to join the EU, and if Curuviga started crowing about what had really been going on - what seemed to be in the offing when he was forced to move its headquarters to Montenegro, the Serbian dictator could be in big trouble, and he knew it.

When the bombing campaign commenced, the threats against Curuviga only increased, especially after a NATO F-111 was knocked down - thanks to the latest radar that the Israelis had apparently made available to Milosevic's presidential residence, and making Curuviga's media empire an even bigger danger. And
almost everyone was acknowledging that it was what the publisher knew, and not what any prying reporters may say which put him on the top of Milosevic's hit list. Two and a half weeks into the campaign, on April 11th, Curuviga was gunned down by two masked gunmen as he entered an apartment building complex with his girl friend.

Djindjic fled to Montenegro, fearing that he was the next target. He had already been recognized by Time magazine as a man to be reckoned with during the 21st century, and Milosevic used a picture of him shaking hands with arch-enemy Bill Clinton to help mobilize public opposition to NATO's destructive campaign.

Djindjic went even further afield when NATO action destroyed the President's radar listening post in his own residence, forcing the Chinese Embassy to supply the missing aerial reconnaissance. When this was destroyed on May 7th, NATO did to the country what the Israelis had been hoping to do in Lebanon during their recent bombardment - making it an economic basketcase by destroying its infrastructure - but Tel Aviv had to honor restrictions which NATO never faced. Three weeks later, Milosevic's forces withdrew from Kosovo, and the war ended.

Djindjic returned in July 1999 to Serbia where he was tried in camera for endangering state security but he was soon released by Milosevic. Djindjic then helped put together the forces which contested the President's re-election with Kostunica's candidacy in October 2000, and when Milosevic was defeated, Djindjic led the 18-party Democratic coalition which forced him to give up his office, and won Serbia's parliamentary elections, resulting in his becoming its Prime Minister on January 25, 2001. In the meantime, Milosevic had holed himself up in his villa, threatening to kill anyone who came to get him to answer an indictment for alleged war crimes, whether the trial was held in Serbia or in The Hague. President Kostunica had a ban on any extraditions anywhere.

Also, Milosevic's fate took on an international dimension which has not been properly aired. Just when Clinton was considering a pardon for Marc Rich because of his role with Israel in helping Milosevic combat Yugoslavia's Muslims and their ambitions, the Chinese Secret Intelligence Service's Director of Strategy, Colonel Xu Junping, defected to the United States, threatening apparently to tell all about Beijing's assistance in the process, plus much more. China became so alarmed, it seems, at the prospect of the defector telling all about Israel's and its assistance to Milosevic - undercutting any proposed trial of him at The Hague - that it forced a confrontation with Washington. On April 1, 2001, Chinese fighters forced an American EP-3E Aries II spy plane, with 24 US crewmen on board, to crash-land on China's Hainan Island, expecting to force Washington to hand over Xu Junping for the crew, especially since Beijing had lost one of its pilots in achieving the forced landing.

The American spy plane, based at the Whidby Island Naval Air Station in Washington State, was loaded with all kinds of eavesdropping, translating, and communicating systems, and the Chinese leadership was confident that Washington would quickly agree to give up Xu Junping for the most sought-after spy plane, said to be worth $100 million.

It had been monitoring the activities of a newly-purchased, Russian-made Sovremenny-class destroyer in the South China Sea - what US Navy brass considered the greatest threat to its carrier-based task forces controlling the area. While Beijing said it would treat the captured spooks as hostages until the defector was handed back, Washington stood firm against any deal, threatening long-term consequences to the Chinese relationship if Beijing persisted in its demands, resulting two weeks later in the crew being returned, but not the precious plane.

In April 2002, Gordon Thomas, the West's most knowledgeable researcher of Israeli intelligence, revealed that the Chinese were allegedly so incensed about the failure to get back the whistleblowing Xu Junping that they took dire measures to keep the former Yugoslav President from telling all at The Hague: "How China secretly helped Slobodan Milosevic during the Balkans War - and how a CSIS squad flew to Belgrade, ready to whisk Milosevic to sanctuary in China shortly before he was arrested and sent to The Hague War Crimes Tribunal." (Quoted from "China's War Inside America," no. 39, Globe-Intel, April 14, 2002.) Thomas added that both Iraq and Iran were set to go nuclear by 2005.

While Thomas's claims were most persuasive in Washington and London, they were only black propaganda of the worst kind. How Xu Junping could have known in December 2000 that the Chinese had a reckless covert plan to rescue Milosevic - who still had not been arrested - is beyond belief. There was no need to even think about rescuing him forcefully yet. Then, if the Chinese were willing to take any risk to get Xu Junping back, why did they simply hand over the 24 American hostages in a matter of only 11 days after the Hainan Island incident? There apparently was no plan that Xu Junping somehow miraculously knew about, and Beijing was ecstatic at having captured the super secret spy plane's technology - what could keep it informed about what even North Korea was doing in the way of developing nuclear weapons and missles - without serious consequences - what made President Clinton's cancellation of the contract between Prime Minister Ehud Barak and China's Jaing Zemin to ship its Phalcons to China merely a minor inconvenience.

Thomas's disinformation - what could only have come from Tel Aviv, now under the leadership of Ariel Sharon and Meir Dagan - was clearly intended to cover up its far greater assistance to Milosevic completely at China's expense. In addition, if Chinese special forces had intruded into Serbia, and tried to kidnap the former Yugoslavian President, the new authorities in Belgrade would have unanimously protested about the gross violation of its soverneignty - what America's National Security Agency (NSA) could clearly corroborate. Finally, the claim by Xu Junping that both Baghad and Tehran would soon have nuclear weapons set off alarm bells in Tel Aviv, Washington and London since they were now under the impression - thanks to the assurances by British WMD inspector Dr. David Kelly - that Saddam Hussien had finally disarmed his arsenal.

Just in February 2003, Kelly had been so convinced about what the Iraqis had done because of his inspections that he assured David Boucher, Britain's permanent represenativive to the Conference on Disarmament in Vienna, thus if the West still attacked: "I will probablay be found dead in the woods." (Quoted from Rowena Thursby, "The David Kelly 'Dead in the Woods' PSYOP," October 20, 2006, GlobalResearch, ca.) Of course, in making this prediction, Kelly was assuming that the dreaded Iraqi Mukhabarat would be his assassins because of his betrayals.

Undoubtedly, Kelly was recalling what happened to the dictator's cousins Saddam, and his more important brother Hussein Kamel, head of Iraq's weapons procurement program, when they defected in August 1995, and he told Rolf Ekeus, head of the UNSCOM inspectors, what had happened to Iraq's chemical and biological weapons programs, and that Saddam Hussein was only three months away for testing an atomic bomb when Operation Desert Storm occurred in January 1991 - what forced him to let its inspectors back into the country, and resulted in the elimination of its remaining WMD.

When the dissolutioned defectors returned in February 1996 with their families from Jordon, expecting a presidential pardon, the brothers were besieged in their villa outside Baghdad by Saddam's special forces until they ran out of ammunition, and were summarially executed while terrified relatives watched the shootout from three buses parked in its yard. No one, in sum, betrayed Iraq, and got away with it, as long as Saddam was in command.

Kelly had good reason to be concerned about his future as his past was coming back to haunt him. He was a former UNSCOM biological weapons inspector who had convinced everyone concerned that the Iraqi dictator was committed to rebuilding its WMD arsenal, thanks to the hemorrhaging of the former Soviet Union's programs, both its expertise, and its essential components in the preparation of various weapons systems. What Kelly had told reporters like Judith Miller of The New York Times, and Tom Mangold of The Observer - what appeared respectively just at this time in Germs: Biological Weapons and American's Secret Wars and Plague Wars: The Terrifying Reality of Bioglogical Wars - left no doubt that Saddam could launch a devastating biological attack on any enemy in the region he chose within 45 minutes no matter what efforts new inspectors made to discover it, and stop it. In short, it seemed that Kelly still did not believe Saddam's assurances about the destruction of all WMD systems.

The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists then gave substance to Kelly's apparent suspicions by publishing an article by William C. Potter, Djuro Miljanic and Ivo Slaus in the March/April 2000 issue about Tito's nuclear legacy, claiming that the two research reactors at Milosevic's Vinca Institute of Nuclear Sciences, just outside Belgrade, might just be helping Saddam get his bomb. Potter was the Director of the influential Center of Nonproliferation Studies at Monterey's Institute of International Studies (MIIS), and the two Serbs were defectors who claimed that they knew the current state of the Yugoslav nuclear program. According to them, the pariah state was at its wits' end - given the NATO bombing campaign, the article contended - and bankrupt Serbia might just be supplying Iraq with the necessary chemists, physicists and engineers - along with 50 kilos of weapons-grade uranium and 10 kilos of low-irradiated highly-enriched uranuim that the Soviets had supplied for the reactors at Vinca - to make devastating nuclear bombs.

Of course, the reactors had long been shut down. Yugoslavia was observing the terms of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treay, and the Institute was being regularly inspected by IAEA, but this could be just a clever ploy for some kind of rogue operation with Iraq - claims which gave credibility to a defensive pact between Belgrade and Baghdad which could result in several crude bombs being fired if Iraq were attacked again. (For more on this, see Con Coughlin, Saddam: The Secret Life, p. 306ff.) After all, even Scott Ritter, UNSCOM's chief inspector in Iraq, when he was ordered to stop inspections, and resigned, said this when departing from Iraq: "...Saddam would have as many as three nuclear weapons ready for use as soon as he laid his hands on the necessary fissile material (uranium 235 or plutonium)." (Quoted from ibid., p. 309) Ritter also revealed that he had worked with the Mossad during his seven years of alleged independent inspections of Iraq's WMD.

What was most disturbing about these claims is that they, along with other articles Potter had written, refuted what Hussein Kamel's defection and death had apparently accomplished. Though the claim that Serbia might well have supplied Saddam with enough uranium to create several nuclear bombs was based upon the ancient, unsubstantiated assertions of Vinca's director Stevan Dedijer back in the 1950s, it fitted in nicely with Potter's previous claims that Iraq still seeking to become a nuclear power. On April 3, 1998, he had an Op-Ed piece in the New York Times, "The Case Russia Forgot," asserting that Moscow had supplied Baghdad with hundreds of sophisticated gyroscopes for missiles, "...designed to deliver nuclear-warheads to targets more than 4,000 miles away," and in a subsequent article in the Bulletin of the Atomics Scientists, he elaborated upon the plot Moscow had apparently engaged in but continued to deny.

Rather than permit Milosevic to be exposed probably by Yugoslavia's enemies as the provider of Iraq's needed nuclear material - what The Daily Telegraph and The Times were committed to doing, thanks to continuing input from the Mossad, and what would obviously embroil it in the ouster of Saddam - Djindjic had worked behind the scenes to help defeat Milosevic in the election in October 2000, and then he arranged his shipment to The Hague when it seemed that Milosevic's remaining friends - particularly the Chinese, Israelis, and now President Kostunica - were desperate to prevent it for fear of damaging blowback about what the former President had actually done for all concerned. In the process, the Serbian Prime Minister got an additional $l billion in aid to help rebuild the country, what he helped accelerate by breaking up the socialist economy with market reforms, and then going after the old communist bureaucrats who had lined their pockets while this was occurring.

The result reduced the Yugoslav President to a mere figurehead - a condition that Serbia's Djindjic made more obvious by adopting a loose federation with its only member remaining, Montenegro, before its expected departure too - and Kostunica was soon suspected of plotting the Prime Minister's assassination. The only things holding it back were amassing the necessary resources to make it happen with impunity, and to make sure that Yugoslavia was not found to be the supplier to any WMD that Saddam was finally found to have, especially nuclear ones - what could only be a certainty after his regime had been smashed. Kostunica surely did not want to go to the extreme of getting rid of Djindjic, only to discover that he was left holding the bag for the previous President's transgressions, particularly if there were several dirty bombs exploded in the process, and tens of thousands of people consequently killed.

While explaining how Washington and London were maneuvered into attacking Iraq would require a much longer article - what Israeli intelligence played such a leading role in that Ariel Sharon, soon after he was elected Prime Minister in 2001, made his campaign strategist Meir Dagan the Mossad's director general - the whereabouts of the alleged, missing Vinca nuclear material from Yugoslavia was the driving force behind those who wanted to get rid of Saddam Hussein but the last thing they wanted to openly admit because it would show that the destruction of Milosevic's regime had only compounded problems in the Middle East. When time for the planned showdown with Saddam came, though, Washington was in no doubt that the real danger was his having nuclear weapons - what resulted in the White House constantly alluding to nuclear mushrooms when it came to the danger Saddam presented.

As Vice President Dick Cheney told a VFW convention in Nashville on August 26, 2002, "Many of us are convinced that Saddam will acquire nuclear weapons fairly soon." (Quoted from David Barstow, William J. Broad, and Jeff Gerth, "How the White House Embraced Disputed Arms Intelligence," The New York Times, October 5, 2004.) The only problem was putting together a few bombs since the Iraqis already had the knowhow and equipment required.

While Cheney was certain of the immediacy of the danger - thanks to all the information that Ahmed Chalibi's Iraqi National Congress (INC) had been able to collect for Tel Aviv - he could not afford to panic the public, so he acted as if the Iraqis were still in the process of getting the required nuclear material. The INC, based in London, and funded by the US, was Cheney's answer to everything when it came to Iraq's WMD. Cheney told the VFW veterans, though, that Saddam had gotten high-strength aluminum tubes to use as clandestine centrifuges for the preparation of high-grade nucelar material - reviving the worries that Potter had much earlier raised. Then Cheney claimed that the Iraqis were in the process of getting 500 tons of yellowcake from Niger that the centrifuges would diffuse the nuclear material from.

Of course, if these claims were true, the emergency was less pressing than Cheney claimed as it would take quite awhile to make the required explosive material from the source in question.

At the same time, Matthew Rycroft, Tony Blair's private secretary for foreign affairs, put together the now famous Downing Street Memo - the precurser of the infamous Downing Street Dossier aka 'dodgy dossier'. During the summer of 2002, SIS Director General Richard Dearlove had gone to Washington for talks about the Iraqi situation, and returned with alarming news, as Rycroft duly reported in the memo after a secret meeting of top officials at No. 10: "Military action was now seen as inevitable. Bush wanted to remove Saddam through military action, justified by the conjunction of terorrism and WMD. But the intelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy. The NSC had no patience with the UN route and no enthusiasm for publishing material on the Iraqi regime's record." (Quoted from Henry Porter, "Now we know what we know, why is Blair still in office?," The Guardian, October 22, 2006.)

Dearlove was back at the Prime Minister's residence on September 12th, reporting to Blair, Campbell and others drafting the Iraqi dossier that one of its agents in Baghdad had developed an informant within the Iraqi military who could confirm that Saddam could hit any target he wanted within 45 minutes with deadly chemical or biological weapons - a capability that former UNSCOM inspector Dr. Kelly had always feared but thought Saddam had rid the country of in 1998. The source of the new threat was centered around Dr Rihad Taha aka Dr Germ. "Mossad's dossier on Dr Germ," Gordon Thomas wrote in January just before the invasion. "details her terminal experiments on Saddam's prisoners with anthrax, botulism, and ricin." Dr Germ was putting into practice at places like Iraq's Salman Park what she had learned while studying at the University of East Anglia, and doing research at Porton Down where Kelly was also based.

The Israeli government, through the Marc Rich Foundation, then panicked the West with two articles in the September 2002 issue of The Middle East Review of International Affairs which claimed that Saddam had secretly created a similar, deadly chemical and biological capability - what was so persuasive that it soon became the centerpiece of Downing Street's October dossier about Iraq's WMD, thanks to the drafting assistance of John Williams, the Foreign Office's director of communications, and a close friend of Blair's spin doctor, Alastair Campbell.

Robert G. Rabil, in "Operation 'Termination of Traitors': The Iraqi Regime Through Its Documents," claimed that the Anfal chemical campaign during the final stages of the Iran-Iraq war was just a testing ground for mass, systemtic murder of its dissidents and neighbors in order to prevent the regime's destruction - what Ibrahim al-Marachi indicated in another article that the Iraqi dictator, thanks to his overlapping, ruthless security network, had been able to keep completely secret from the outside world.

To add Saddam's alleged biological warfare threat to the fray - what made for DCI George Tenet's absolute confidence about finding WMD in Iraq, and was incorporated in its National Intelligence Estimate which persuaded Congress to vote for the war - MIIS's Potter declared in an Op-Ed piece, "Invade and Unleash?," in The Washington Post on Sepetember 22, 2002 that the return of the weapons inspectors to Iraq might quicken the use of its "deadly biological weapons assets". Might it not be better, Potter suggested, to remove the risk by just taking out the regime immediately by mounting an invasion. "Indeed," Potter concluded, "much as Israel's nuclear force often is charaterized as a 'weapon of last resort,' so might Iraq's biological weapons be viewed in Saddam Hussein's mind as an asset to be employed only if his regime were on the brink of destruction (as in, 'If we are going to go, we'll take someone with us'.)"

When President Bush was still convinced that the biggest threat that UNSCOM faced when returning to Iraq was some kind of nuclear retaliation by Saddam - what started with the return of the inspectors, under Hans Blix, in November - Potter helped lead a letter campaign to US Senators, making sure that the government increased its program to allow Iraqi scientists and their families to leave the country so that they could safely tell investigators where all the WMD weapons were hidden without fear of reprisals. Despite the fact the Bush had been told by the CIA with "moderate confidence" that Iraq was still four to six years away from having nuclear bombs, Bush told an audience in Cinncinnati on October 7th in no uncertain terms of the risk: Facing clear evidence of peril, "we cannot wait for the final proof - the smoking gun - that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud." (Quoted from Bob Woodward, State of Denial, p. 97.)

When the UNSCOM inspections went ahead in Iraq without any signs of it having nuclear weapons, and nothing had surfaced during the trial of Milosevic in The Hague about Israel having helped him and Saddam in various ways - Djindjic even calling the proceedings a fiasco during which the former dictator made fools out of the prosecution - Kostunica allegedly started planning the Serbian Prime Minister's assassination. In December 2002, Cedomir Jovanovic, a former bodyguard of Milosevic's who assisted the peaceful surrender of the former dictator in his villa, and now was Djindjic's troubleshooter with Serbia's underworld, apparently arranged a hit on the Prime Minister at Kostunica's alleged behest.

He visited Zemin Gang bosses Dusan Spasojevic, a corrupt businessman and close friend of Milosevic's, and Milora Lukovic aka 'Legija', former leader of the Red Berets, while they were serving time in prison. They, it seems, made a deal whereby they would be sprung from prison in return for assassinating Djindjic.

Jovanovic was most bitter about what had proved to be the totally unnecessary capture and extradition of Milosevic to the ICCY - what was established beyond all question when Mohammed ElBaradei, head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, reported to the UN Security Council on January 27, 2003, that "...we have to date found no evidence that Iraq had revived its nuclear weapons programme since the elimination of the programme in the 1990s." During the next few months, he assured the Council, if his inspectors were allowed to continue their work, the claim, it seems, would be proven decisively.

While the two assassins recruited to kill Djindjic were released from prison in January, there were several feeble attempts before the fifth one succeeded with deadly precision. It seems they were attempting to scare Djindjic from going ahead with a growing anti-Israel agenda in Serbia's pursuit of joining the EU - what Sweden's Foreign Minister Anna Lindh was taking the lead in. While she wanted to see the former communist country adopt a viable form of social organization - one the West approved of - she was increasingly taking an anti-Israeli line, ultimately even calling for Brussels to break diplomatic relations with Tel Aviv. More pressing, she was vehemently opposed to the Iraq war, and the extra-judicial killings of suspected terrorists and their alleged supporters. When Djindjic went to a meeting with her on March 12, 2003, the two assassins - having lain in wait all night for the hit -killed him with shots to the chest from long range as he was getting out of his limosine for the encounter.

The highly conspiratorial character of the assassination was well demonstrated throughout, from the cameras being turned off when the killing occurred, though the cameramen was there, to the eventual shootout with the alleged assassins two weeks later. A state of emergency was declared, and over 1,000 people were arrested to make it appear that coup was underway at the expense of President Kostunica, though the Minister of Interior Dusan Mihajlovic had declared immediately that Spasojevic and Lukovic were the assassins. The security forces even demolished Spasojevic's compound in an attempt to kill him - what set him and a Lukovic up for the fatal shootout on March 27th.

The only trouble with it - like almost all conspiracies - was that the Lukovic was not 'Legija' but Milan Lukovic. The famous Red Beret leader had been tipped off about it, it seems, most probably by the Mossad since it made the assassination seem just a messy Serbian matter, and fled secretly to Hungary, only to reappear 14 months later when affairs were much less volatile.

Things did not cool down because Israeli intelligence had so cooked the books when it came to Iraq's alleged WMD - what became incorporated in the Pentagon's war plan, and assigned to the 75th Exploitation Task Force (ETF) with NYT reporter Judith Miller embedded in its ranks to make sure that nothing was missed as the 946 locations on the WMD Master Site List were liberated. (Jeffrey Steinberg had made the contrived character of the case crystal clear when he published right before the invasion - what had helped prompt Djindjic's murder - "Behind the Iraq Dossier Hoax: Intelligence Was Cooked in Israel," in the February 21, 2003 issue of the Executive Intelligence Review, showing that it was almost completely copied from the Middle East Review of International Affairs September 2002 issue.) Still the Pentagon was ecstatic about the possibilies, given the WMD intelligence case Secretary of State Colin Powell had presented to the Security Council on February 5th when trying to get a resolution to approve of the war.

While during Saddam's ouster from power, the ETF found nothing to justify Powell's wild accusations, as Woodward has explained: "Each time they seemed to have found something that could be portrayed as a smoking gun - an alleged stockpile, a vat or even a small vial of biological weapons - it would soon be discredited." ( p. 210.)

Bush still was over-the-top about the matter - as when he declared "Mission Accomplished" in Afghanistan - declaring on May 29th while travelling through Europe that Iraq's WMD had, indeed, been found. While in Poland, he declared: "We found biological laboratories. You remember when Colin Powell stood up in front of the world, and he he said, Iraq has got laboratories, mobile labs to build biological weapons. They're illegal. They're against the United Nations resolutions, and we've so far discovered two." (Quoted from p. 209) Despite the fact that they turned out to be labs for supplying hydrogen to weather balloons, the Pentagon appointed the 1,400-man Iraq Survey Group (ISG), under the direction of veteran UNSCOM WMD inspector David Kay, to settle the controversy.

As soon as DCI George Tenet had arranged for Kay to become a member of the Agency, he wanted him to immediately start the necessary field work, but Kay wanted to read all the WMD intelligence about what had happened in Iraq since he had left UNSCOM. After a solid week of reading reports and sitting through Agency and Pentagon briefings, he was appalled by what he had learned. "It was nothing new," Kay recalled, since the previous UNSCOM inspections ended in 1998. "Everything after that either came from a defector or came through a foreign intelligence service in an opaque sort of way." (Quoted from p. 216.)

Kay was referring to intelligence agencies like the Mossad, Britain's SIS, Germany's Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND) and assorted American ones, and informants like the BND's Curveball, the Mossad's source on Dr Germ, and MI6's Iraqi military informant about Saddam's 45-minute, strategic chemical and biological threat.

Curveball, for example, turned out to be the only source for Iraq's mobile biological weapons labs that Powell spoke so menacingly about, and Kay was "aghast" that he was never interviewed by any service but the BND and that none of them had taken seriously his known alcoholism. All that was left of Saddam's revived nuclear program - the missing uranium 239 from Belgrade's Vinca Institute, its Serbian scientists, the Russian gyroscopes for Saddam's IRBMs, the Niger yellowcake, the high-specification aluminum tubes for centrifuges, etc. was the aluminum tubes, and they were apparently for simply firing rockets. And the Iraqi military intelligence officer who allegedly confirmed Kelly's worst fears about Saddam's chemical and biological capability had never even been contracted by MI6.

By the time Kay's ISG completed its preliminary investigations in Iraq, all the serious claims had come to nothing. But in attributing blame for the failure, Kay was most careful not to say too much about the faults of the Mossad, MI6, and the American atomic scientists. Of course, there was no mention of the various Israeli dossiers, SIS's operating on a completely hearsay basis, and what scientists like William Potter, Djuro Miljanic and Ivo Slaus had published in journals like the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, much less what they had told Western intelligence services while protected by a security blanket. The closest Kay came to letting the cat out of the bag was when President Bush persisted in asking him who he thought ran the world's best intelligence service in light of the colossal fiasco: "In my experience, it was not the British or the Israelis, despite their reputation. In my judgment, the best one is the Chinese." (Quoted from p. 280.)

Later, we learned when Kay testified before the Senate the following January about the ISG's conclusions that he had consulted with Dr. Kelly about the complete surprise. "Mr Kay said he had been expecting Dr. Kelly's arrival in Iraq to help the search for biological weapons programmes, and had spoken to him shortly before his death. 'He never had any doubts about Iraq's programmes,' Mr Kay said." (Quoted from Julian Borger, "Admit WMD mistake, survey chief tells Bush," The Guardian, March 3, 2004.)

The reason why Kelly never made it to Iraq was because he was tricked by his employer, the MOD, to talk to the BBC's Andrew Gilligan who "sexed up" his answers so much about Iraq's alleged WMD capability that the Prime Minister outed his identity for public ridicule and political assassination on July 17, 2003.
To facilitate this killing with the least risk and possible blowback, Dagan's service seems to have assassinated not only German policitican Jurgen Möllemann but also English Royal cadet Stephen Hilder in parachute accidents, as a subsequent article will describe.

Why Most Confused Neo-Nazi Anders Breivik Finally Went on the Rampage In Norway

2011-12-12T09:29:00.002Z

by Trowbridge H. Ford

Without doubt, the most destructive, recent 'false flag' operation has been the 'sleeper cell' one that the Mossad put together to entrap neo-Nazis wanting memorabilia of Hitler's regime - particularly pieces of the entrance sign to the Auschwitz concenteration camp - to help fianance attacks on governments which were not doing enough for Israel.(1) It turned into an uttter fiasco when middleman in any transfer, Anders Högström, turned whistleblower - what ultimately induced the terrible blowback by Anders Brevik in Norway. He turned deadly on the authorities who had aided and abetted its efforts without real results up until then, killing 77 of the up-and-coming supporters of Norway's government by bombing Oslo's government center, and then shooting Labor youths being indoctrinated to take over on a nearby island.

The attacks were more deadly and destructive of Israeli interests than the so-called Lavon affair where agents of the Israeli Defence Force, posing as agents of Egypt's Nasser regime, carried out attacks on American and British facilities in 1954, only to be caught red-handed in the process. The blowback then only resulted in the execution and imprisonment of the culprits, and undermined the reputation of many of Israel's leaders while the blowback from Breivik's massacre destroyed much of the support that the Jewish state had in Scandinavia.

Meir Dagan's Mossad was most upset by the surprise fiasco as it expected the heist of the Auschwitz rntrance sign to be the crowning achievement of his tenure as director - what would restore flaging support for Israeli interests because of what Hitler's regime had done to the Jews during The Holocaust. The sign would be transported and cut up in Sweden for sale to collectors of such memorabilia for money which neo-Nazis would allegedly use to finance terrorist attacks upon Swedish government buildings and leading politicians because of weak support of Israeli interests, especially their supplying support for Muslims displaced by the continuing conflicts in the Middle East. This way Tel Aviv would achieve the best kind of result - rekindling support for its claims about anti-semitism while hurting those who cared for those hurt by its conflicts while at the least risk of any serious blowback.

The mission had been hastily called after the expected death of rabid anti-semite James von Brunn who had shot up the American Holocaust Museum in Washington the previous July, and whose trial because of the murder of a security guard was sure to garner new support for Israel.

Högstrom was most interested in setting up infamous neo-Nazi millionaire, Lars Göran.Whalström, in Sweden as the cruel collector of such memorabilia. Högstöm had started the violent Nationalist Front in the early 1990s, apparently with Whalströms help, but he turned against it in 1999 after it assassinated trade unionist Björn Söderberg. He also started the group Exit to assist like-minded neo-Nazis leaving the movement. The heist was a 'false flag' operation to make up for the unexpected death of von Brunn.

The Mossad was planning on selling it to targets whose exposure - like Marc Garlasco of Human Rights Watch, and later a UN most Senior Human Rights officer -would be more productive. Garlasco really isn't an anti-semite, and denier of The Holocaust, only an official who did not suit Israel's interests while dealing with the Palestinians. When Högström discovered that the stolen sign was not on its way to Sweden, but stored nearby Auschwitz to be shipped on a Corendon airliner to Israel where it would later be transported elsewhere for sale, he turned informer.

Breivik was most interested in arranging a sale with an English millionaire in Stockholm of the same sort for the Mossad mission because he was starting to run out of funds because of his comings and goings. He apparently had financed his operations by selling gifts he had been given to avoid the authorities wondering where his funds were coming from. Högström's informing made any operation difficult to put together, forcing him to rely more and more on just his own efforts.

There were also problems of sending Högstrom to Poland for his involvement in the crime because he could stymie an extradition request by justifying what he had done - what would certainly reveal Corendon's involvement in the shipment, and that would implicate Captain Thomas Salme in the process. Salme had gotten into flying while working as a mechanical engineer for SAS airlines at Arlanda Airport. He could have become a role model for the 9/11 highjackers as he just decided to move into the cockpit by forging the necessary credentials while practicing on a flight simulator for Boeing 737s.

As Salme expalined on the Kevn Trudeau Show about the crude Swedish flying permit he put together with just a logo and a regular piece of white paper: "It wasn't laminated, and looked like something I'd put together at home." (2) At the time, the commercial flying business in Europe, especially cargo flights, was lacking qualified pilots, and he used the shortage without question to pilot flights for 13 years with Air One, Jet 2, Apollo, Air Sweden, and Turkey's Corendon where he had been a captain for two years.(3)
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The Swedish Transport Authority, to make up for its lack of oversight regarding Salme's being a pilot, and to take advantage of what Högstrom knew, got rid of the problem by tipping off ones in Holland about his lack of qualifications, and he was conveniently arrested just before takeoff in a Coredon flight from Amsterdam's Schiphol Airport on March 3, 2010.

For all the trouble and embarrassment Salme had caused, one would hardly know it by the way he was treated. A Ducth court fined him $2,500 for flying without a license all those years, and prohibted him from flying for a year. Then he was treated as a celebrity, appearing, for example, on the Kevin Trudeau Show, as if he were just another crazy highjacker who found fame for it. Jouranlist and publicist Stefan Lovgren is helping Salme write his autobiography, 13 Years in Heaven, and found a publisher for it. It will apparently appear in 2012 - thanks to Norstedt's, one of Sweden's oldest, and most respected publishers, taking it on. Certainly showed, as the old adage goes, crime pays.

Breivik certainly didn't miss the disparity in treatment between Högström and Salme, deciding that he would proceed alone, as best he could, in his efforts - a crusade which not only settled scores with his betrayers but also with the authorities who had not taken them too seriously. In late August and early September, Breivik was in Prague to purchase arms for some kind of shootout. He even hollowed out the areas underneath the seats of his Hyundai Atos so that they could be filled with an AK-47, a Glock pistol, and rocket and hand grenades. Brevik even took up a prospectus about mining so that it could justify his seeking explosives for even greater carnage. He came back to Norway empty-handed, though, discovering that it was easier to obtain such items in Oslo than in the Czech Republic.

Meanwhile, Högström had the book thrown at him by the Polish authorities. Once he had been extradicted there, it was just a matter of time before he was sent to the cooler. Marcin Auguscinski, who had been recruited by Högström to do convenient neo-Nazi missions while he worked on his family's estate in southern Sweden, filled in all the details about the theft that he and other Poles had carried at Högström's direction, leaving no other one higher to be exposed in the Mossad operation. By December, Högström was headed for 32 months in prison for serving as its middleman - what he managed to be served in Sweden by year's end because of his cooperation in the investigation.

Breivik by then had decided to use a suicide bomber to do the trick, relying upon what the English Defence League (EDL) had been able to gather to finance such operations, and an operative to do it. The EDL had long had a jihadist, Glasgow nursing student Ezedden Al-Khadeli collecting money in bank accouts that he had esblished at TSB, the Post Office, The Halifax, and The Bank of Scotland, often with the use of stolen identities. He had become at jihadist while attending the University of Luton, along with Swedish resident Taimour Abdulwahab aka Al-Abdaly. He was persuaded to become a suicide bomber, thanks to almost all the money that Al-Khadeli had collected. The target would be Stokholm streets - not its government buildings and officials as originally planned, it seems, by Whälstrom's neo-Nazis - filled with Christmas shoppers.

The plan was an ingenious one where an unsuspected jihadist obtained the necessary equipment - fertilizer, pressure cookers, batteries, and mobile phones to trigger the explosions - and set them off in a country whose capital was considered one of the safest places on the planet. While the Czechs had put Breivik on the watch list for wanting similar items, the Norwegians didn't, considering him not to be dangerous. Anders helped in the disguise by buying on the internet 300 grams of sodium nitrite - a good chemical to triggeer an explosion - from a Polish supplier, Wroclaw, just at this time, showing that he was apparently using the fertizer he had bought to further his mining plans back home.

On December 11th, it was easy for Al-Abdaly to drive into central Stockholm from a suburb, park his car on Drottingatan, and set it afire - what caused people to take shelter when it feebly exploded. Then he went into another street, and his bomb belt started exploding, most likely accidentally, killing himself and injuring two passersby. He, it seems, didn't know how to wire a string of bombs in series with cables.

The most suspicious aspect of the suicide bombing was that an onlooker suddenly appeared on the site, and took zoom-photos of the dying bomber - what two people witnessed, and a 24/7 surveillance camera had taken pictures of belonging to a shopowner who had installed across the street for his own security. The police, and the security agency, Säpo, were surprisingly not interested in viewing it - what could at least identify who he was.

Thr bombing certainly did not have the desired effect of Islamophobes, though it did quite frighten the public. Sweden did not tighten up its security laws. The eavesdropping agency, FRA, was not given greater powers to find such suspected terrorists - what was used by some to explain the litttle success that the suicide bomber had had. More important, the Swedish government did not tighten up its admission of immigrants, especially Muslims from the Middle East, from seeking sanctuary in Sweden. The most telling sign of the mission's failure was the e-mail which was sent to Säpo and the Swedish news service (TT), demanding that Sweden withdraw its 500 troops from the NATO mission in Afghanistan, and justifying such violence because of Swedish cartoonist Lars Vilks protraying Mohommad as a dog (4) - what the government has gone out of its ways to show that it has no intention of changing these policies.

The failure of Säpo and the police to take advantage of the video that the shopowneer offered looks more suspicious, though. The government, in November, had appointed a special prosecutor to look into the American Embassy in Stockholm, spying unlawfully on Swedish citizens. It was going along with what the Norwegians were doing when similar charges were made about the Embassy in Oslo.(5) In neither, it seems, had American security informed the respective government authorities of what they were doing - what could only be justified in Stockholm if the Americans had placed signs below their dozen monitoring cameras, explaining that they were taping the scene.

It would prove most contradictory if the Swedish authorities then used the illegal videos that the shopkeeper had made to get to the bottom of the plot, so they just forgot about the whole matter, especially since only the suicide bomber had been killed in the bombings.

The person most upset by all this was the photographer who had taken the close-ups, apparently Anders Breivik. Instead of having a scene of carnage whose photographs would put all people in Scandinavia on notice about the capabilities of Muslim jihadists, he was left with little more than close-ups of the incompetent deceased - what were of no use to him or anyone else.

Despite all the claims about Breivik's verbal abilities, he was most involved in photography and creating art to represent his reality. This he now used in finishing his famous 2083 - A Europesan Declaration of Independence, and his day-by-day entries in his diary. It was filled with all kinds of pictures, photos, digitally-enhanced images, cartoons, and made-up propaganda in case viewers could not glean the meaning of his verbal attacks upon cultural marxism, multiculturalism, islam, muslim immigration, feminisim, and the like. It is a illustration of what can be done with photo psychology and reading pictures.

Anders' fixation on his looks was well illustrated when he went to America for a face job after some Muslim friends had broken his nose, scared his forehead and chin in a fight which helped make him an islamophobe. His incredible narcissism was portrayed in the self portraits he took of himself as a Freemason, a Norwegian military hero, and a covert operator or photographer - what he is most worried about authorities suppressing now with less glamoress ones. The killer is obsessed with appearances - what was the root cause of his undoing.

More important, it revealed a knowledge of Anders Högström which everyone, especially authorities in Norway, have completely forgotten about. Instead of talking about it in a way which would expose and hurt Högström for his betrayals, though, Breivik spoke of him as a like-minded comrade in arms. "Now we have come to the conclusion," Swedish afternoon daily Aftonbladet explained, "that mass murderer Anders Behring Breivik believed that plans (for such attacks) could have been started by his sister-cell in Sweden."(6) About who was leading the sister-cell, Breivik hoped that it was Högstörm, leading one of the neo-Nazi organizations in Sweden. "I have always wondered, " Breivik added, "if there are real nationalsocialists or like-minded persons who are supporting my efforts. Perhaps, there are comrades who are with and connected to the knights Templar, my sister-cell?" (7)

Breivik was also setting up shop and testing explosions in Norway so that he would prove far more effective in arousing the West about the threat than Al-Abdaly had. In May 2011, he finally gave some semblance of life to his alleged farming interests by buying six tons of fertilizer for bomb making at his Geofarm at Åsta, 83 miles northeast of Oslo, and then moving there to test a bomb - what he accomplished on June 13th. He claimed that the project cost him around 300,000 euros.

It took him - the knight Justiciar grandmaster of the new Templars who he had even portrayed himself in the closing pages of his manifesto when the Muslims had allegedly been chased back by 2083 to where they had come from - another six weeks to get his targets straight, and screw up the courage to get it started. He had to find some competent Muslim he could trust to do a bombing in Oslo, something he thought was impossible and never materialized. Or else, he had to find some like-minded Norwegian who waa willing to become a suicide bomber to achieve his goals.

But in making up for Högstrom's betrayals, and Al-Abdaly's imcompetence, he overlooked the facts that he was not a Muslim, and Högstrom was never on his side, so doing dirty work allegedly with them was bound to become increasingly confusing.

One can only suspect that his original supporters - especially Director Meir Dagen of the Mossad, now not wanting to retire on such a risky note - had decided that Breivik had outlived his usefulness, and had dropped him, explaining why he decided to turn the tables on it by attacking those in Scandinavia who opposed its efforts, not realizing how stupid it would seem, and counterproductive it would be.

As a Norwegian, he should have settled for a car bomb at one of its mosques, and taken his chances by fleeing the country .By bombing public offices in Oslo, resulting in eight deaths, and killing another 69 at the Labour Party's Worker Youth League summer camp at Utoya only made some kind of sense until the authorities found out that he was just like them, another native Norwegian. He had just lost the thread of the whole plot while atttempting to carry it out.

What had triggered the chaos was the announcement by Eskil Pedersen, the head of the Labor Party's Youth Movement, that it was calling upon the government to impose an "unlimited economic embargo of Israel from the Norwegian side" because of its continuing mistreatment of the Palestinians, as the tabloid Dagbladet reported two days before the shooting. The announcement sent him into a complete tailspin which he resolved by setting off the van, filled with explosives outside the goverment complex, only to rush off to the island to kill those who were willing to support the embargo until his cellphone pleas to the security authorities as one of its Commanders to stop it was achieved when its Delta force arrrived on the scene, and he had run out of ammunition.

In short, because of the confused, convoluted history Breivik had had in trying to punish the jihadists at old neo-Nazi expense, he had become the paranoid schizophrenic that his apologists belatedly acknowledged.

References

1. For more, see my article about the Auschwitz sign heist.
2. Jesus Diaz, "The Guy Who Flew Thousands Of Passengers As A Fake Pilot," May 18, 2010.
3. For more, see: http://www.thelocal.se/25330/20100303/
4. http://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/Europe/12/11/Swden_explosion/Index=html?hpt=T1
5. http://cnn.com/2010-11-06/swden_us-investigator_swedish-law-Swedish-authorities-stockholm?_s=PM:WORLD
6 http://aftonbladet.se/nyheter/terrordadetinorge/article13376839.ab
7. Quoted from ibid. in english.

MI5 Killers Sabotaged Chinook Helicopter That Crashed at Mull of Kintyre in 1994 Finally Exposed?

2011-12-05T09:40:00.001Z

by Trowbridge H. Ford

The fog has never really cleared since an RAF Chinook helicopter crashed through it on the Hill of Stone at the Mull of Kintyre on June 2, 1994, killing all 25 intelligence agents and the crew of four on board while on its way to Fort George in Scotland to attend an annual conference on counterterrorism. While the incident is of more recent vintage than Bloody Sunday when British soldiers, epecially of the Parachute Regiment, cut down forteen civilians after shots were fired by unknown parties, the helicopter crash caused 29 victims. In addition, the Army massacre occurred in an area where plans had long been made for meeting some such incident, the crash came as a complete surprise. Ultimately, both incidents were the subject of several inquiries which resulted in quite changing explanations of the tragedies. The only sure thing is that Bloody Sunday helped usher in direct rule from London while the helicopter crash helped usher it out.

During 1971, the Official and Provisional Irish Republican Armies had established "no-go" areas in Derry, much unlike the situation in Belfast, and much to the British Army's disgust. London's introduction of internment without trial earlier had been in the hope of seperatiing the troublemakers from the general Catholic population in the expectation of re-establishing some kind of stability but it wasn's working in Derry.To deal with the problem, London adopted the plan of Commander Land Forces, Major General Robert Ford, of carrying out a search and control operation for the gunmen while clearing away the barricades.(1)

In explaining the policy, Ford and lower commanders made it increasingly possible that protesters might be aimed at, and shot in any confrontation over its implementation. This occurred when protesters marched on January 22, 1972 to Magilligan Point to show their opposition to internment Then after the Provisionals shot dead two Royal Irish Constabulary (RUC) police officers, the first in the growing conflict, the Brish Army tried to prevent a similar march from reaching Derry's Guildhall Square a week later by employing the First Parachute Regiment to help "scoop up" the troublemakers.

All hell broke loose on January 30th when a crowd of 10,000 protesters started marching on the City Centre, and a group of troublemakers broke off from the main group as it neared it to confront the barricading soliders. At the same time, straggers started engaging the Paras who had taken up position on the high wall behind the William Street Presbyterian Church. Then shots were exchanged, six in all, one apparently by the Offical IRA, and the other by the British Army, hitting two persons who they falsely claimed to be nail-bombers, and only one of whom was involved in the IRA in the march. Then the military forces behind the barricades, assisted by the Paras, executed a pincer movement against the rioters who were confronting them. In the ensuing mele, a youth was killed in the courtyard of the Rossville Flats."The other tweleve victims of 'Bloody Sunday' died elsewhere." (2) Again, it was a question of who had fired first, if at all on the marchers' side, and how many rounds.

The tragedy was investigated by Lord Widgery, the Lord Chief Justice of England, and he rushed to judgment in no uncertain terms on the side of the forces, merely compounding what was seen by almost all as a outright victory for the Provisionals, as direct rule on London soon followed.

The only trouble was that the IRA, instead of sitting on their laurels and waiting for the British chickens to come home to roost, went on the offensive, culminating in their own Bloody Friday which turned the tables back in Britain's favor. The Offical IRA set off a bomb on February 22nd at the Paras' headquarters in Aldershot, killing five cleaning ladies, an Army chaplain, and a gardener.(3) Then there was a bombing in Derry, and a killing of a young Royal Irish Ranger which caused such blowback against the Officials that they were obliged to call a ceasefire. While the Provisionals were soon obliged to follow suit because of similar mistakes, the whole situation changed for them when they caused Bloody Friday on July 21st - setting of twenty car bombs in Befast, killing nine people and injuring 130.

Instead of the Provos, and the Brits for that matter, admitting their mistakes, and seriously chaning their ways, they just refined them, focusing them more on military targets, and trying to reduce the collateral damage. The battle, consequently, waxed and waned for both sides. The British had the upper hand most of the time, and only losing it when they overplayed their military advantage. This was most obvious during the SAS operations all over the province in the late 1970s after its introduction into South Armagh, Operation 'RANC' against selected targets by Secretary of State Humphrey Atkins' Army after the assassination of Airey Neave,and the cull of Provisionals after the Olof Palme assassination failed to trigger a non-nuclear conculsion to the Cold War at the Soviets' and Gaddafi's expense. About suich shoot-to-kill operations, Father Raymond Murray grimly concluded in The SAS in Ireland that there was no UK solution to the Troubles since the military was on a war footing, and given a license to kill.(4)

Surprisingly, this prediction did not prove to be true, showing once again that even the best informed experts are little better than laymen in predicting the future. Murray's failure was compounded by the fact that he had relied upon the most involved, dedicated politician in making it, the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. At the Brighton Conservative Party Congress in 1988, the town where she had almost been assassinated just four years earlier, and after the SAS had shot dead those three Provo volunteers at Gibraltar, she declared: "We shall never give up the search for more effective means of defeating the IRA. If the IRA think that they can weary or frighten us, they have made a terrible miscalculation. People sometimes say that it is wrong to use the word 'never' in politics. I disagree. Some things are of such fundamental importance that no other word is appropriate. So I say once again today that this Government will never surrender to the IRA. Never." (5)

Margaret Thatcher proved to be her own political gravedigger in making Murray wrong, and she herself right. It all started when the Prime Minister went beserk when Captain Simon Hayward' biography, Under Fire: My Own Story, appeared. Hayward, apparently Olof Palme's assassin who had subsequently been set-up on a drug-smuggling charge in Sweden to conveniently get him out of the way for the still unsolved crime, had written most bitterly about how the Foreign Office and Ministry of Defence personnel had dealt with his problems there, and now Foreign Secretary Sir Geoffrey Howe had allowed it all to be made public - what could only arouse questions about what else was going on.(6) Seemingly out of the blue, the Prime Minister sacked the Foreign Secretary and the Secretary of Defence George Younger had resigned in protest over Howe's treatment.

While this profound shake-up was never explained, only crudely covered up by her underlings, and in her autobiography, it had long-term consequences upon her tenure as Prime Minister. Howe, demoted to Leader of the House of Commons, a completely useless post, was most bitter about his treatment, waiting for a chance to get even. The loss of Younger was even more important since he had handled Thatcher's re-election the last time she was up for party leader. Without Younger, there was no one willing to mobilize support for her, and in a growing political vacuum, she isolated herself even more as her closest adviser on Northern Ireland, Ian Gow, was assassinated in July 1990 in a way which most recalled Airey Neave's murder.(7) It seemed hardly deserved after the British had allowed the IRA's last flying column attack on its Derryard outpost to escape without loss after it had killed two soldiers of the King's Own Scottish Bordereres.

The attack was the long-delayed 'tet' offensive, designed to spark an uprising in the North to join the Republic - what had long been delayed by the capture of the Eksund, loaded wíth Libyan weapons for the Provos. Since the SAS culls of their volunteers, culiminating with the one on The Rock, the Brits had had to play it cool because they overdid it, losing their prime source in the PIRA Council, aka "Steak Knife", in the process. He helped organize the booby trap which killed six British soldiers in Lisburn in June 1988, and the Semtex improvised explovie device which killed another eight along the Ballygawley-Omagh Road two months later.

Peter Brooke had taken over as the Northern Ireland Secretary of State by then, and stunned the public on November 1st that if the IRA stopped their violent activities, the Government might well be obliged to negotiate a settlement with it.(8) This was taken by the Provos as a sign of weakness by the British, so they carried out an attack on the mainland, killing 11 Royal Marine bandsmen at Deal, Kent in following September.

The attack on Derryard, near Rosslea, on December 13th proved how wrong they were. The surprise attack by about 20 volunteers from Fermanagh in the Republic was heavily armed with a flamethrower, and two heavy 12.7mm DShK machine guns mounted on armored vehicles. Others with armed with 11 AK-47s and grenades. No sonner had the attack started, Moloney has written, than "...the column itself came under attack. Heavy gunfire was directed at its members from fields about fifty yards away, while a British army Wessex helicopter appeared from nowhere over a nearby hill. the column fled, leaving behind the primed van bomb." (9)

It was the greatest humiliation that the Provos ever suffered during the Troubles, and this once it could not be blamed on any tout, especially 'Steak knife", tipping off the Brits as he had participated in the attack. The British had learned of it by military eavesdropping in Ulster on their preparations. Its 'Vengeful' system of computers checked on the movement of vehicles concerned while the 'Crucible' one followed the movements of its personnel.(10)

The fallout from the fiasco was so damning that the Provos were obliged most reluctantly to declare a three-day-ceasefire over Christmas - what the media chose to see as a response of Brooke's offer. (11) This revived peace talks which had been dormant for a decade. Only this time, it was "Steak Knife" himself who was dealing with the leading MI5 official John Deverell in Derry rather than MI6's Michael Oatley under now the excuse that the PM was still not interested in talking to the Provos because it would be seen as an obvious U-turn by the *Iron Lady'.

Then a ruse had to be invented to get her out of the way, and make her subordinates do the dealing. Thiis was kicked off by the former Foreign Secretary Howe
challenging her style of leaderhp in his famous resignation speech in the Commons on November 13th. This was seen as opening the door for Michael Haseltine, her arch enemy, replacing her - what seemed to be happening when his challenge for the party leadership resulted in a second ballot on the issue. She chose to see it as failing a vote of confiden, and resigned, to everyone's surprise, as PM. She even tried to stay on without its support, but her colleagues would not hear of such an unprecedented effort. Perhaps, it was just a ruse to show how committed she was against any dealings with the Provisionals.

With the 'Iron Lady' out of the way, steps to arrange a settlement gathered pace. The most imporant one was to hand over the computers systems to the RUC's Special Branch so that it could stop violent incidents while bringing their perpetrators to account rather than just allowing the covert operators do another ambush or cull. The leader of the new approach was Detective Chief Inspector Ian Phoenix.

He was the last policeman one would expect to get the position - having served nine years in the Parachute Regiment, and well acquainted with its former Commaning Officer Peter Chiswell who in 1982 became Commander, Land Forces, Northern Ireland. Perhaps that was the whole idea bejind his appointment. Despite his career during which he had become a Lance Corporal, he had grown tired of struggles, and was most desirous of achieving a peaceful settlement in the province - what led his colleagues in the SAS on more than one occasion to wonder why they were there then. Phoenix even devised an SAS airborne response to another Derryard assault, one which called for the use of no less than eight helicopters.(12) He even suggested the mounting of Tannoys on them, and the playing of Wagner's "Ride of the Valkyries" if their use had ever become necessary

The ensuing struggle between peacemakers and warmakers in Northern Ireland has been more complicated then than anyone imagined, especially from the British side. While the Provos were slowly brought along, thanks to the convenient imprisonment of '"Steak knife" apparently aka Padraig Wilson so that he would not be assaasinated by his more aggressive colleagues, and could bring imprisoned ones along with the peace process, the British were confronted by keeping it officially going by having still a government in Westminster which would endorse it, stopping the infigfhting by warmakers on the mainland and in the province from continuing their disputes, getting counter insurgency elements in Northern Ireland and on the mainland to go along with a single agenda, and forgetting about complaints all concerned had about changing what they had long been involved in. In all this, despite appearances, Phoenix's RUC Special Branch group, involved in reducing political terrorism to just another form of domestic crime, was most central to the process.

Unfortunately, it got off to a most counter productive start after Private Lee Clegg, along with fellow soldiers, of the 3rd Battalion of the Parachute Regiment gunned down Martin Peake and Karen Reilly as they sped past a check point in West Belfast on September 30, 1990. The couple from Fermanagh, along with passenger Markiewicz Gorman, were on a joy ride after having stolen a car but the security forces suspected them of being Provo terrorists. Unwisely, the soldiers involved made out that the stolen car had hit Clegg in the process - what was completely demolished when BBC Panorama reporter John Ware discovered that a "... cardboard cut-out dummy of the Astra, decorated with bullet holes, fixed to the wall of the 32 Para's canteen near Belfast...The caption, on the wall above the dummy...said "VAUXHALL ASTRA: BUILT BY ROBOTS. DRIVEN BY JOY-RIDERS.. STOPPED BY 'A' COMPANY." (13)

The biggest trouble was not only were joy-riders made out to be terrorists, but also Karen Reilly was no Provo volunteer but the adopted daughter, it seems, of RUC policeman, and colleague of Phoenix's, John Reilly whose wife Diane who had been married to James McGrillen when she had Karen.(14) McGrillen, an IRA volunteer, had been shot dead similarly in 1976 for car theft. While the killing of Peake and Karen Reilly had just been a result of the Paras going after alleged Provo terrorists, the Reillys saw it as the result of Pheonix's Special Branch going slow on stopping real terrorism, goading the ´Paras to do more. Despite the fact that Ian and Susan Phoenix tried to band with the Reillys over the tragedy, making out that it was simply an accident, and even Ian attending her funeral despite orders against it (15), the Reíllys would not have any of it. Phoenix, it seems, had made a mortal enemy which norhing could undo.

On an institutional level, matters were just as bad in the province and on the mainland because MI5 aka the BOX thought that the RUC was not doing enough to stop Provo terrorism when it was actually doing more despite appearances. MI5 officials were completely turned off when they discovered while on a vist to the province, Phoenix and his agents having a champagne briefing in the morning during which 18 bottles were consummed for an SAS colleague who was leaving (16). Still, the unit, soon upgraded, was providing 80% of the intelligence which was stopping terrorist attacks. The biggest bone of contention between the BOX and Phoenix's unit was over who was directing the ASUs in Britain which were causing most of the havoc.MI5 believed that it was Sean McNulty in North Shields, and Phoenix's SB unit thought it was Phelim Hamill of Queen's Univeristy.

The biggest asset Phoenix had in stopping IRA killing was Martin McGartland aka 'Carol'.(17) McGartland began informing on the activities of 'H' whose ASU specialized in booby-trapping cars. Thanks to his leads, Ian's people prevented a Ulster Defence Regiment soldier from being blown up in North Down, prevented the blowing up of a policeman and a shopping center on November 1, 1990, and then it almost caught 'H' red handed with his bomb making factory.In all, McGartland was credited with having saved 50 people from death at the hands of the Provos.Ultimately, 'Carol' was captured by the Provos' Civil Administration Team aka the torturers, and only escaped death by jumping out of a windon when they were panicked by a helicopter passing overhead. With his cover blown, McGartland was forced to flee to Britain where he was given a new life as Martin Ashe in Whitley Bay, and £100,000, apparently by MI5.

While the SB unit proved ultimately to be right on the matter, leading to the closing down of Hamill's ASU in England, MI5 took over control from the Mets' Special Branch in May 1992 in stopping Provo operations on the mainland.To gain similar control in Northern Ireland, MI5 wanted to have more direct access to its intelligence - what Phoenix complained to its boss about, and he completely agreed, though it didn't stop. The matter came to a head when the top-secret intelligence conference took place in June 1993 near the Mull of Kintyre at the Machrihanish Air Base in Scotland. "Box claimed that it was not happy," Phoenix recorded bitterly in his diary, "with the Special Branch's 'passage of intelligence' and 'would willingly put some of their people in support of us. Kind of them',"(18) In the spring of 1994, Phoenix discovered that MI5 was carrying out operations which the RUC knew nothing about - what became Standard Operating Procedure after he was no longer there to stop it.(19)

Ian continued his fight against the Security Service by socialing more with the province's secuirty people, and increasing the unit's ability to gather intelligence about intended violence through electronic and human sources. On the day before he went to the 1994 top-secret security conference in Fort George, he even got
£2,000 for a handler to recruit a new Provo source.(20) Then Ian asked an alleged trusted colleague, apparently Reilly, if he could borrow his best Barbour jacket for the trip as he planned to do some hiking between conference meetings. Ian then met him over coffee, and "they briefly discussed the PIRA peace moves and how they might be pushed forward."(21) Then he went home at 2 PM to have lunch, and pack for the 5:45 PM from RAF Aldergrove, only to have the Reilly call again. "Have a good weekend. See you Monday." (22) It seemed a bit contrived, like someone wanting an alibi while being involved in some unknown covert action.

"In an interview hours before the crash, the Head of Special Branch (Bob Fitzsimmons) had told Sunday Times journalist Liam Clarke that Adams was trying to end the violence: 'However, he questioned Adams's ability to do so, and believed that a final decision to stop the killing would not be taken until security forces had weakened the terrorist structure.' " (23) Seems that Fitzsimmons' confidence was based upon the security establishment in Northern Ireland having resumed contact with McGartland, and he was on the ground at the Mull of Kintyre to be picked up so that he could be taken to the conference. He would tell it that the Provos were on the ropes, thanks to what he and Phoenix's people had done - what would be a great embarrassment and set-back to the BOX.

When the Chinook was loaded at Aldergrove, there were 25 secuirty officers on board - ten from the RUC, nine from military intelligence, and six from MI5 - plus a crew of four to fly the machine. After it had been airborne for 13 minutes, its passenger list was put through the shredder for secuirty reasons to help hide what was really going on.(24) Just before impact, the pilots changed the way point (WP) to the one at Corran, removing their immediate postion at the Mull of Kintyre from disclosure(25) The flight was then obliged to use a Covert Personnel Locator System (CPLS) where persons on the ground with a portable handset steered the helicopter in for the landing by a UHF radio signal which is received onboard. The only trouble was that it wasn't the landing pad they wanted but a "vertical corner" which forced it into crashing into the Mull's Hill of Stone, killing twenty nine people whose bodies were found on the ground.(26)

The person they planned to pick up, apparently Martin McGartland, witnessed the crash and was horrified by it. Instead of the conference being obliged to work on closely with the RUC, especially its SB, it just acknowledged that MI5 ran everything now because there was really no one else. The source who McGartland wanted to develop, whoever it was, didn't need to be told that the Provos best hopes in a settlement had been greatly reduced by the crash. Little wonder that three months later, after everyone had been consulted on the mainland and back in Ulster, those in prison and those not, the Provos announced their long-awaited ceasefire. Under the circumstances, Prime Minister John Major, who had taken over for Howe when Maggie sacked himl, was quite subdued about the situation, doubting that it would hold up, but it did.

Conditions got worse for MCGartland when a board of inquiry reported without pointing the finger at the pilots, only to have two senior RAF officers add just that. The inquest could not come up with any answer either for the crash.

When the sabotaging of the Chinook seemed well and truly buried, MI5's Director General at the time was allowed the unprecedented liberty of publishing her intelligence memoirs, Open Secret, and, of course, she nothing of substance about it, only that she was most upset about the deaths of the RUC officers, especially that of Bob Firzsimmons, the head of its SB. The names of her own staff lost, particularly that of DCI John Deverell, was never mentioned.

Then Annie Machon, with help from David Shayler, added complete fiction about the confrontation in Spies, Lies & Whistleblowers where the RUC was hardly mentioned at all, and its Special Branch and Ian Phoenix never. The struggle with the Provisionals was seen as all a mainland matter, and its slowness in dealing with the challenge timely and properly. The only time Northern Ireland was mentioned in any serious regard was when collague William Perkins - name changed on orders of Mi5, and apparently Jonathan 'Bob' Evans who is its Director General - was obliged to go to the province just before the crash, apparently to make the necessary arrangement. There can be no doubt that Perkins is Evans after she wrote this: "He looked much older than his age, 38, as he was almost totally bald on top and had a Zapata moustache, which also dated him."(27)

The best example of the cover up occurred when Perkins was sent off to Northern Ireland on this note by his head of section: "And what ca we say about Bill? He has had to suffer the double misfortune of being posted to Northern Ireland wihtout his wife and of having broken his right wrist." (28)

The best evidence of McGartland being the man to be picked up is how the Provos have gone after him, once he became known to the public in the Northeast when the NOrthumbria police caught him speeding, and discovered who he really is. Provos almost killed him for it in 1999, shooting him six times. By this time, he had written about 'Carol's exploits against them, Fifty Dead Men Walking, which was recently made into a successful film, though McGartland didn't like it.

He did go out of his way to say that the pilots of the Chinook must be cleared, and when judge Lord Philip did just this last July, he was ecstatic on facebook: "True Heroes Place Themselves at Risk for the Benefit od Others, to save lies. Many of those who died were leading anti-terrorism experts who had made such a valuable contribution to defeating terrorism in Northern Ireland and on the UK mainland." (29)

Only time will tell if those who sabotaged the Chinook are finally brought to justice.

References

1. Peter Taylor, Brits: The War Against the IRA, p. 85.
2. Ibid´. p. 99.
3. Ed Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, p. 111.
4. p. 454.
5. Quoted from ibid.
6. For more, see my article at: http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article5318.html
7. Paul Routledge, Public Servant, Secret Agent, p. 350ff.
8. Taylor, op. cit., pp. 313-4.
9. Moloney, op. cit, p. 334.
10. Tony Geraghty; The Irish War, pp. 158-9. It is interesting to note that after the book appeared in 1998, and the eaverdropping role in achieving a settlement became better known, Geraghty was prosecuted, and almost sent to prison for discussing these systems which were so important in bringing the Provos to heel.
11. See, e. g., Taylor, p. 315.
12. Jack Holland and Susan Phoenix, Phoenix: Policing The Shadows, pp.249-51.
13. Geraghty, op. cit., p. 104.
14 Ibid, p. 108.
15. Holland and Phoenix, op. cit., pp. 276-7.
16. Ibid., p. 240.
17. For more, see ibid., p. 262ff.
18. Ibid., p. 324.
19. Ibid., p. 326.
20. Ibid., p. 331.
21. Ibid., p. 332.
22. Quoted from ibid.
23. Quoted from Mark Urban, UK Eyes Alpha, p. 277
24. Holland and Phoenix - op. cit., p. 333.
25. Ibid., p. 350.
26. For more, see this link: http://globalresearch/PrintArticle.php?articleId=27828
27. p. 98.
28. Quoted from ibid.
29. http://www.facebook.com/pages/Agent-Carol-Martin-Marty_McGartland/165603323467348

Why America's NSA and Britain's GCHQ Had Gareth Williams Assassinated

2011-11-14T15:27:00.001Z

by Trowbridge H. Ford

The National Security Agency's new Director in 1999, Air Force General Michael Hayden, had a long career in its surveillance operations but his primary qualification for office was his adherence to the Catholic Charismatic Renewal movement - one which sought direct religious experience with Christ through pentacostal and evangelical experience. It was a millinarian type of religious group, reminiscent of the crusading orders of the Middle Ages, and best exemplified in the modern world by the Knights of Malta, the great recruiting agency of many of today's New World Order people. Its capacity to find essential professionals, and fit them into key government positions goes far beyond what Yale University's Skull and Bones Society can accomplish. While Hayden was attending Pittsburgh's Duquesne University, he studied American history - getting an M.A. on the impact of the Marshall Plan upon Europe, the first step in the West's renewal after the catastrophic collapse in WWII. "Like many of his religious and conservative classmates," James Bamford wrote, "Hayden rejected the antiwar movement and the social revolution and instead would embrace the military." (1)

CIA Director George Tenet became interested in Hayden's potential to ignite NSA in an fightback against the continuing stalemate over Palestine, and growing Muslim hostility toward America. "The CIA chief liked what he heard and Hayden flew back to Korea virtually assured that he had the job as director of the NSA." (2) It recalled Henry Kissinger's hiring of lowly Major Alexander Haig as his military aide as the Nixon administration was gearing up to pull off a surprising victory in the Vietnam War despite the apparent hopelessness of the struggle, and all the campaign rhetoric about negotiating peace with the North Vietnamese and the Vietcong. Despite appearances, both military men were well versed in the operation of America's covert government, whatever was required at a given moment. It looked like new Tonkin Gulf incidents were required if any new initiative was to be established.

While Tenet certainly mentored Hayden, it is worth remembering that Tenet was mentored by former DCI Richard Helms, so much so that he had Helms' official portrait at the Langley headquarters moved into his office so that every DCI would see him as a model. It is also worth remembering that Helms had such a bitter hatred of his rival William Colby that he ultimately volunteered in his unexpected memoirs, A Look Over My Shoulder - even an allusion to such treachery - that Colby hurt Western intelligence more than the notorious KGB spy, Kim Philby.(3) It seems most likely that Tenet, while Deputy Director when Colby was assassinated, was given the nod by Helms to arrange the killing - what resulted in DCI John Deutch to suddenly resign when he learned about it, clearing the way for Tenet to take over officially. After Deutch's departure, an inquiry was started to see if he should be prosecuted for having classified materials on his laptops, what seems like a belated effort to explain it away, but Attorney General Janet Reno refused to prosecute him, and President Bill Clinton pardoned him for the alleged offense on his last day in office.

Hardly had Hayden taken over at Fort Meade than he showed Tenet that he was the right person to run NSA. The bombing campaign of Serbia was in full swing but NATO's planes were not hitting anything of value in Slobodan Milosevic's military arsenal, thanks to a Turkish informer within its ranks informing Belgrade of intended targets through the Chinese Embassy. NSA learned of this through its capture of microwave commuications to the Chinese through its eavesdropping satellites and ground-based stations, most likely in Bad Aibling in Germany and Menwith Hill in Yorkshire - what seemed like a resumption of Operation Shamrock under modern conditions.

Then CIA played dumb with its maps, acting as if the Embassy was a Yugoslav military facility. On May 7, 1999, NATO bombers hit the facility with five bombs, killing three residents. For good measure, NSA's Keyhole laser satellites were used the following August to trigger an earthquake in the qanat system of Izmit, Turkey to punish its Nationalist leadership for betraying NATO secrets to Yugoslav President Milosevic. The mission was a good example of what former SoD Robert Gates said about former Los Alamos intelligence chief Danny "(Stillman's) ability to adapt the latest advance in science to solve unmanageable problems and to analyze foreign technologies made him an invaluable asset to the Intelligence Community."(5)

The earthquake was intended to so embarrass Turkey's government during the relief effort that it would be overthrown, either at the polls or by its military - what occurred during the 2002 elections when Bulent Ecevit's government was soundly trounced. It was a brilliant use of new technology to take advantage of ancient technology to fulfill Washington's goals.

Given such achievements, Washington wasn't too concerned about what Al-Qaeda was up to, helping explain why both Tenet and Hayden were kept at their posts after George W. Bush defeated Al Gore in the 2000 presidential poll. It was more concerned about the exposure of satellite abilities to gain vital informaion, and to deliver devastating reprisals than deliberately stopping any of its small scale operations. "In the few years between 1991 and 1994," Bamford wrote, "the number of spy satellites dropped by nearly half."(6) He failed to add that the remaining ones were far more versatile and powerful than the ones they replaced. As a result, the Al-Qaeda calls emanating from and received by its headquarters in Yemen were ignored, resulting in the 1998 devastating bombings of US embassies in East Africa, and the attack on the USS Cole the following year when it docked in Aden to refuel.(7)

NSA was still almost paranoid about its operations being leaked somehow, and did not want to take any unnecesary risks by going to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court for a warrant.

Director Hayden based his decision upon three factors - fears that NSA would be seen "as America's secret and powerful 'boogeyman' ", that NSA officials would again be threatened with prosecutions for eavesdropping on Americans, and fears that its activities would be leaked to the press and America's foes. The best way to avoid the first two concerns, Bamford wrote tellingly, "...was to keep his agency's operations as far away from U.S. territory as possible. If a terrorist in the U.S. was communicating with his masters in a foreign country, Hayden reasoned, that was the FBI's responsibility, not his."(8) The ability of the Bureau to meet its responsibility was seriously impaired, though Hayden didn't mention it, by the continued spying for the Russians by its agent Robert Hanssen - what was finally disclosed in February 2001, and he pleaded guilty to 19 counts of espionage in July after colleagues, like in the Ronald Pelton case, recognized his voice in a conversation long before with his KGB handler in Washington on a NSA tape recording.

The wheels for a payback now for Al-Qaeda's operations far away from America's shores had started turning soon after Hayden started working at Fort Meade. Rich Taylor, NSA's Deputy Director for Operations, wanted to fix the agency's aimless, eavesdropping operations by adopting project Thinthread: "The first and most important issue for NSA/CSS (Central Security Service)," Bamford quoted, "is to reform our management and leadership system...we have good people in a flawed system."(9)

Thinthread called for the encryption of all messages and phone calls entering and leaving the States - so as not to need a warrant from the Foreign Intelligence Security Court (FISC) - except the headers of such messages which would show their origin or destination. It would solve the problem of getting an FISA warrant without engaging in undue search and seizure while obtaining probable cause to continue eavesdropping without committing anything illegal.

Tests of the proposal in 1998 had proven quite successful Also, NSA needed to strengthen its ties with strategic partners, especially the other members of the Five Eyes group, Australia, Britain, Canada and New Zealand.

Hayden wanted nothing to do with the proposal, preferring instead a program called Trailblazer. Instead of running the risks of trying to catch terrorists, concerns that the Bureau should be involved in, Hayden wanted to catch foreigners before they even got involved in the process. It essentially collected everything it could get its hands on, hoping that super computers could make sense of the mass of information collected - "...the origins and destinations of phone calls and e-mails." (10) While Taylor and Hayden continued to argue about which system to adopt, it peaked in the fall of 2000, with the Director going for Trailblazer, and Taylor heading for the exit.

While Hayden then asked for bids from defense contractors for working on Trailblazer, there was no big time response by NSA's contractors - Boeing, IBM, SAIC, Computer Science Corporation, and Litton - persuading Hayden and Tenet that some big time event was necessary to shake up the country for more direct action.

The last operational hurdle to such action was the continued presence of the Bureau's counterterrorist expert in New York, John O'Neill. He was responsible for getting to the bottom of the first terrorist attack on the WTC in 1993, and was certain that Muslim terrorists would try it again. He was committed to stopping them, the last thing that Tenet and Hayden wanted, so he was sidelined from the planning of the covert operation for fear, it seems, that leaks from it would jeopardize what CIA and NSA had in mind.(11)

The plan that Tenet and Hayden had in mind was to catch the now well-identified 19 highjackers in the act of hijacking the four planes on September 11.To prevent the highjackers from getting wind of the plan, leader Mohamed Atta - whose calls from the States, especially the San Diego area, were never passed on by NSA to other security agencies (12) - and four of his associates, were allowed to board the first plane leaving from Boston without any accompanying CIA agents.

The 15 agents were on the other three flights, under the direction of Barbara Olson, wife of Solicitor General Ted Olson, and they were to overpower the highjackers as the planes neared LA. The link between the Agency and NSA was the close association that Tenet had with Hayden.(13) To give more propitious effect to the ploy, NSA's associate agency, the National Reconnaissance Office (NRO), conducted a training exercise of a plane crashing into one of its buildings 50 minutes after American Airline's Flight 77, carrying Olson and three of the agents, had already taken off from Washington's Dulles Airport.

The covert operation, of course, ended up as a complete tragedy after the highjackers turned out to be suicide bombers. The best evidence that it had gone wrong was when the President stayed put in the Florida kindergarden while the operation was still going on, and Secretary of Defene Donald Rumsfeld had Air Force fighters shoot down the last highjacked plane in western Pennsylvania before it could crash into the Capitol or the White House.

The most important act in damage-control was preventing the full disclosure of the planes' passenger lists - what left out the names of the 19 suicide bombers, and the unarmed 15 agents who had futilely tried to stop them - what permitted conspiracy theorists to go wild about who was really on the planes, who or what piloted them, why the buildings around the WTC really collapsed, etc. The most damaging evidence that Washington, especially NSA, could not suppress was all the telephone calls, especially those of Barbara Olson, that passengers on the planes made and received before they died.

At least her husband finally admitted to Bamford: "I, by this time, had made the calculation that these were suicide persons, bent on destroying as much of America as they could."(14)

Hayden acted as if the tragedy was another Pearl Harbor, and it was, though President Roosevelt was dealing with a desperate imperial Japan while NSA only had been confronted by 19 suicide bombers - what Japan lost hundreds of from Okinawa during the final days of WWII through Kamikazi attacks. NSA's incredibly cautious approach to eavesdropping on them had directly led to the attacks, and now Hayden would go for broke in making sure that it was not repeated.

While much has been written about what ensued, the only aspect to be considered in this article is what NSA, the Bureau and GCHQ could legally do in the process, though it should be noted that Tenet and Hayden combined when it came time to make sure that Iran did not take advantage of the West's showdown with Saddam by either helping him in his difficulties, or, more likely, try to take part of Iraq's Shia-dominated area during the struggle - what was prevented by NSA seeing that the NRO caused the earthquake in the qanat areas surrounding Bam with the chemical laser aboard its Misty radar satellite, leaving Iran with more than enough troubles of its own.

For NSA and the FBI, anything went when it came to warrantless eavesdropping as Hayden, an American historian of sorts, thought that the post 9/11 emergency justified the overriding of all of the protections that the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution provided against undue searches of one's home, person and possessions as the tapping of phone lines and cellphones didn't amount to this, especially since NSA's lawyers agreed. And the Bureau was willing to go along with such sentiments after presiding FISA court judge Royce C. Lamberth approved all the surveillance it wanted to get the culprits of the attacks, and Attorney General John Ashcroft's subordinate John C.Yoo agreed independently with Hayden's lawyers about what the emergency permitted.(15) While others disapproved of what they knew or suspected was happening, there was nothing they could do to really challenge it, much less stop it.

In Britain, there have never been any serious restrictions on what its intelligence community, particularly GCHQ, can do. Actually, given its policy of ever eavesdropping if it serves the national interest, the legal provisions of the Official Secrets Acts are all against employees and members of the public leaking secrets. And any employee who wants to or is required to work for American agencies can do so without risking any legal penalty, as Bamford explained: "Hayden suggested that such activity was not prohibited by federal law. Instead it was prohibited only by presidential executive order, and executuive orders can be canceled or changed at the whims of a president. 'By executive order,' Hayden said, 'it is illegal for us to ask others to do what we cannot do ourselves, and we don't do it'."(16)

The crisis over what became known as NSA's Terrorist Surveillance Program (TSP) occurred when it came time for its renewal, March 11, 2004. Underlings of Ashcroft and Yoo at the Justice Department, James Comey and Jack Goldsmith, decided that it was an abomination to the Constitution, and recommended that it not be renewed. This led to a political firefight between the White House and the headless Department of Justice because Ashcroft was then in the hospital, suffering from gallstone pancreatitis. "Without Comey's signature," Bamford wrote, "the NSA would have to immediately pull the plug on the operation or possibly face criminal charges." (17)

With the public totally oblivious of what was going on, the White House and Ashcroft's subordinates fought it out in a manner reminiscent of 'Tricky Dick' Nixon's 'Saturday Night Massacre'. While Bush reauthorized the program without Justice Department approval, he seemed to agree to changes in it which would bring it back within the law. In the end, the changes only amounted to getting rid of the most egregious violations of FISA, and their continued justification.

Hayden's protection of his secret, illegal operations started to fray a few months later when New York Times reporter James Risen, who helped break the spying for the Soviets by the Bureau's Robert Hanssen, called, asking Hayden about his warrantless eavesdropping on Americans.(18) Of course, Hayden panicked over the call, denying that anything untoward was going on at NSA, but he believed TSP's days were numbered. While Bamford seemed completely uninterested in who was Risen's source, it was Russell Tice, but the newspaper was unwilling to pursue it because it could not find anyone else to back up his claims, and word got out that Tice was a bit paranoid, leading to his being fired by NSA in May 2005. Perhaps,Tice was deliberately chosen to kill the story, once his lack of credibility was determined.

In any case, more than a year later Thomas A. Drake - a NSA software purchaser executive who supported what Taylor had tried to get Hayden to do, especially the adoption of ThinThread rather than the most expensive wild goose chase that Trailblazer promised - apparently started whistleblowing too on NSA. With ThinThread, Drake thought that NSA could have prevented the 9/11 attacks, and by 2002 he was telling anyone who would listen just that.

Supported by NSA's math specialist William Binney and communication analyst J. Kirk Wiebe, Drake soon got Diane Roark, a Republican aide to the House Intelligence Committee, taking his complaints seriously. Drake testified before congressional committees about his complaints, and worked with the DoD's Inspector General for two and a half years to obtain official action regarding them but without any evidence of success in his December 2004 report. On his supporters' advice, he not only contacted reporter Siobhan Gorman of The Baltimore Sun but apparently also the NYT.(19)

The Times article ultimately appeared on December 16, 2005, and a little over a year later, Attorney General Gonzales announced that the warranltess eavesdropping program had ended. Once again, all eavesdropping would be subject to FISC warrants, as the President, this time, had refused to reauthorize TSP when it was needed for it to continue. NSA would not need to apply for a warrant, though, in foreign-to-foreign communications except when one end of it reached a U.S. phone, and then NSA had three days to apply to the court with an emergency application for the tap to be legal.

Shortly thereafter, Hayden left NSA, replaced as Director by General Keith Alexander while joining former NSA Director Mike McConnell, National Intelligence Director, as his deputy. Because of the blowback from the murder of Abeer Qasim Hamza al-Janabi, who was repeatedly raped first, and her family in Iraq, National Intelligence made a meal of the kidnapping of two of the soldiers involved by gettting the Justice Department to sign a emergency FISA request, certifying that it had probable cause for the Bureau to put the suspected kidnappers names on the watch list, and targeting their activities.

Then McConnell, thanks to input from Hayden, panicked Congress into passing the FISA Amendment Act which replaced the expiring Protect America Act - giving legal immunity to telecoms which engage in eavesdropping so that there would be no new Shamrock scandal, weakened the authority of its court, and gave NSA a freer hand in targeting suspected terrorists abroad.(20) It and the Bureau would still have to get an FISA order to target Americans and green card residents living in the States.

Despite Senator Obama's campaign pledge that he would straighten out the whole warrantless eavesdropping mess if elected Preisdent, he has done nothing of the sort. If anything, he has made it worse, claiming it is necessary in the war on terror while protecting 'state secrets' .(21) One can only speculate what secrets he had in mind. The murder of former KGB spy Alexander Litvinenko in London comes readily to mind back in November 2006. The CIA was going through another terrible period in its history with the forced resignation of Director Porter Goss in May 2006, and Hayden taking over at the end of the month, starting a period during which the National Security Archive released the Agency's Family Jewels, many of which concerned Helms' violation of its Charter - MH-CHAOS, Shamrock, MK-Ultra and the stirring up of the Hungarian Uprising.

On the day Litvinenko was apparently poisoned, the George Washington University institution released the worst files, highlighted by a bit of the NYT front page where a Seymour Hersh article described Watergate's fallout at Helms' expence.(22) The Agency's staff needed something to stem the flow of damaging revelations, and Hayden's presence there deflected attention away from its cause.

NSA certainly had an interest in shutting up Litvinenko, who has threatening everyone he knew anything about, starting with Italy's Romano Prodi with blackmail - what could go all the way back to the non-nuclear showdown with the Soviets after triggering it by assassinating Sweden's Prime Minister Olof Palme. Not only would the leaderships of Washington and London risk being implicated in this claims but also the double agent spying on Moscow which neither of them wanted aired again. Little wonder that he was killed in a most confusing way, particularly where he was poisoned, by what, by whom, and for what reason.(23) The poison was most notable for its delayed, devastating effect.

Edward Epstein, famous for helping cover up previous CIA-NSA plots, conveniently claimed that Litvinenko must have poisoned himself with the polonium-210 for some unknown reason.

The plot was intended to implicate Russian President Vladimir Putin in the assassination, but he stood his ground without flinching, protecting the alleged assassin Andrei Lugovoy, and making the plotters even more eager to punish the now Russian Prime Minister. They, headed by CIA's director of operations Stephen Kappes, started a new assault on Moscow by building up a 'false flag' operation, dealing with illegal agents called New Rodina, based upon what the KGB had done with their original operation to genuinely do the same with real illegals back in the 1970s under Yuri Andropov. The covert operation was the leading one in President Obama's secret agenda, explaining why he did nothing about warrantless eavesdropping, and why he was so supportive of Leon Panetta to be DCI.

Panetta, as head of OMB and as Chief of Staff during the Clinton administration, knew about the convenient assassinations, particularly that of Colby, and now wanted to move on in a more coherent, structured way. Of course, liberal Democrats like California's Dianne Feinstein just cleared the way for his getting started by claiming she would only support his confirmation if he kept Kappes on, and when DNI Admiral Dennis Blair tried to interfere with what Panetta was doing with his resident agents in places like London, he was given the door after Leon blew his customary cool over the matter.

The sleeper cell contained 10 Russians, and their Canadian handler Robert Christopher Metsos. For several years, the ten tried to integrate as well as they could into American society, reminiscent of how illegal KGB agent Vilyam Fisher ran the most effective VOLUNTEER group in NYC during the late 1940s. "Under his later alias 'Rufolp Abel', Fisher was to become one of the best-known of all Soviet illegals, whose career was publicized by the KGB as a prime example of the success and sophistication of its operations in the West during the Cold War."(24) While Andrew characteristically debunked Abel's achievements, the so called Manhattan 11 group never really got started, just sleeping away along America's east coast, and collecting their pay while awaiting instructions about doing something significant. It seems that all but Metsos thought that they were there to infiltrate really sleeper groups for Moscow.

When it came time to entrap them, just before President Dmitri Medvedev came to Washington for a fence-mending meeting with President Obama, the Bureau set up Anna Chapman, the only one connected to Britain, by having her send deeply encrypted messages by a computer wireless network she had been given to another of the sleepers, at the suggestion of an FBI agent feigning to be a Russian Embassy official, about getting a false passport. The messages were sent on sophisticated laptops which the Bureau had provided, and had software to encrypt and decrypt them - what prevented Bureau agents from being involved in any illegal wiretapping.

When Chapman ultimately refused to go ahead with the exchange, thanks to advice from her father, a former KGB agent, Chapman and the others were arrested as foreign agents, and the media went wild over the story.(25)

The Bureau soon learned that it would be in difficulty if it went ahead with these most serious prosecutions as the evidence could be quickly shown to be fraudulent, charging them instead with only failing to register with the Attorney General as agents of a foreign power, and for money laundering with the secret payments they received. Then Prime Minister Putin surprisingly agreed to exchange them for four real spies being held by the Russians.

The weakness of the evidence was manifest when the Bureau on Hallowen released the videos of Operation Ghost Stories, showing ten of the sleepers doing most ordinary things or deliberately contrived ones when no known Russian handler was ever exposed - only Bureau agents posing to be so. Sleepers are said to be shown engaging in tradecraft when there is no evidence of their actually doing so, and making exchanges when only they, particularly Metsos, are identified.

The best example of the contrivance that the Bureau engaged in is shown in the 7:40 minute-long video of sexy Anna Chapman walking around a department store on January 29, 2010, allegedly communicating with her Russian handler outside. The stacked videos of her are quite clearly ones of the store's, looking for shoplifters. Chapman certainly looks like one while aimlessly walking around it rather than engaged in any wireless conversation. At the same time, the man outside - with his face blacked out - is endlessly talking to someone on his cellphone. There seems to be no conversation between them at all, and the handler could not be a Russian official as the FBI would have loved to have displayed his face if he had been one. Ghost Stories indeed!

The Bureau's concerns were that spy prosecutions would be seen as the result of a deliberate fishing expedition for years to get around the law - what did violate the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution about unreasonable searches and seizures, and that the "wall" between intelligence and criminal squads had been broken through during the process.

"The FBI then decided to allow only agents and analysts assigned to intelligence duties access to FISA materials, not the criminal investigators." (26) For good measure, anyone who reviewed transcripts of domestic electronic surveillance must sign a certification that court approval was required before they were handed over to criminal prosecutors. None of this was done, and the Bureau's leaderhip would be in serious trouble if it were exposed by someone with inside credibility.

And that person was Gareth Williams, GCHQ's whiz kid software man who could encrypt messages to remain secret during any transmission or decode any such message received, and who was on secondment to MI6 to help out its spies to get what they wanted. While it seems a bit of a stretch that he was actually involved in helping entrap the Manhattan 11, it seems quite clear that he knew that he was in no trouble whatever the Bureau had done.(27)

When that became important was when a couple visited his safe flat in Mayfair right after the case broke. The couple could have been Putin's agents, seeking approval for the spy swap. Then it could have been her former husband Alex Chapman, and her former roommate Lena Savitskaya who knew only about the MI6 flat, not who had occupied it, explaining why they knocked on other doors first to find out where it was in the building, once they had gained entrance. The meeting resulted in their adopting a plan to embarrass NSA/GCHQ as much as possible, with Gareth apparently supplying the funds up front to get it started.

Williams went back to the States in July, and started asking questions about what NSA had really been doing when it came of warrantless eavesdropping, especially after it became clear of Thomas Drake's plight for whistleblowing about the problems at NSA.(28) He faced 35 years in prison for continuing to air his complaints through reporter Gorman who had now moved on to The Wall Street Journal - what he had even tried to get Seymour Hersh to go along with, but without success. Drake's problems just made Williams want to get to the bottom of the covert operations more, so much so that he apparently disclosed his aims to a GCHQ colleague and her husband who were at Fort Meade in his stead, forcing MI6 to transfer them to Denver on another alleged covert mission so that they could not be involved in any further developments.

The assassination of Williams and its cover up were the main problems. He was apparently poisoned by death cap mushrooms, amanita phalloides, just before he left to go back to Britain on 10th August, either by their being placed in the food at his apartment there or while he was eating out somewhere. Shortly after he returned, he suffered the vomiting, diarrhea, stomach cramps, etc. which are characteristic of this kind of poisoning, but he seems not to have taken it seriously at first.

Almost everyone has had such experiences, and almost never have suspected that they were the results of deliberate, deadly poisoning, especially when they soon stopped - what also happened in this case. The only problem was that this was the second stage of the poisoning, and not just getting over some cook's alleged revenge. It apparently ended on the 14th after Williams bought some medication at Harrods Dispensing Pharmacy to deal with the resumption of the problems(29), but by now it was too little too late. Taking pills like rifampicin, antamanide, paclitaxed and the like orally are no substitute for them taken intervenously, especially if one has not at first cleaned out one's gut some way.

The plight of Williams is seen in the video tapes of him, both apparently taken on the 14th though the police say that one, the one outside Harrods, was on the 15th. Both show a very jaundiced, feverish soul, dragging himself around as best he can. His palour at the Holland Parik Station is that of a person going into the final stage of phallotoxin poisoning where the cells of the liver are dropping dead.(30) The police want, it seems, to explain away Williams having bought £90-worth of medication on the 14th, making it look like it was for women's toiletries - the cause of his alleged cross dressing - because they found a bill from the pharmacy at the flat but no signs of the medications. They want to maintain the myth that he was a perfectly healthy person until he surprisingly died for some unknown reason.

When Williams realized he was dying, perhaps on the night of the 14th, there was nothing he could do about it which would make it any better physically or mentally. Calls to family and friends would have only alarmed them, and alerted them that he was being murdered for some alleged betrayal. Going to a hospital or a doctor would end with results even worse. So he just allowed himself to die, slowly in his flat. The death could have occurred any time after the 15th, as the process usually takes between six and sixteen days after ingesting the poison. Williams hoped that the murder scene would be seen as such by the police when they finally discovered it.

It seems that Williams dead or dying was discovered by British covert agents, helping out NSA in the process. They were the ones who let themselves into the flat, found Williams' body, moved it into the carryall, zipped it up and padlocked it, recovered all his medicines, and then let themselves out, locking the door behind them. They hoped that investigators would see it as the result of some sex game, gone wrong. The only thing they overlooked was leaving the receipt for Williams' medical assistance.

It was most interesting that NSA immedidately and unprecedentally denied that his death had anything to do with its operations.(31) An alleged former CIA officer in London was sure that it had nothing to do with his work. Now the investigation of the murder is in a state of suspended animation, letting the Bureau agents see if they can connect the Mediterranean-looking couple to the killing - apparently a lead to Alex Chapman and his female associate - and if they can't, Williams will be written off as an accidental self-killing, like that of former GMP Chief Constable Mike Todd.

References

1. James Bamford, The Shadow Factory: The Ultra-Secret from 9/11 to the Eavesdropping on America, p. 29. For more on the Catholic movement, see this link:
http://www.nsc-chariscenter.org/AboutCCR/
2. Ibid., p. 30.
3. For more belated discussion about the deadly controversy in Helm's memoirs, see Thomas Troy's review of it in Studies in Intelligence, and the cover-up response to it:
http://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/sci-studies/vol48no1/article.08.html
http://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/sci-studies/vol48no4/exception.html
4. For more, see: http://mirror.robert-marquardt.com/cryptome/001/usa-disasters.htm
5. Quoted the back of the dustcover of Thomas C. Reed and Danny B. Stillman, The Nuclear Express.
6. James Bamford, Body of Secrets: How America's NSA and Britain's GCHQ Eavesdrop on the World, p. 549.
7. Bamford, op. cit., p. 8.
8. Ibid., pp. 31-2.
9. Quoted in ibid.,p. 41.
10 Bamford, The..., p. 329.
11. For more, see Trowbridge H. Ford, "O'Neill: A Voice in the Wilderness?," Eye Spy!, Issue Thirteen, pp. 22-23.
12. Bamford, The..., pp. 40-1.
13. For more, see Trowbridge H, Ford, "The Prelude: US Intelligence - 11 September 2001," Eye Spy!, Issue Eight, pp. 26-33.
14. Quoted from Bamford, The..., pp. 90-1.
15. Ibid., pp. 115-6.
16. Ibid., p. 38.
17. Ibid., p. 281.
18. Ibid., p. 287.
19. For more, see James O'Rourke's article: http://politicsorpoppycock.com/2010/07/14/act-of-honor-or-betrayal/
20. Bamford, The..., p. 307.
21. For more, see this link: http://www.eff.org/press/archives/2009/04/05
22. http://www.gwu.edu/~asarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB222(index.htm And remember that Hayden was DCI when Studies in Intelligence printed the exchange which attempted to rehabilitate Helms
23. For more, see these links:
http://cryptome.org/mi6-litvinenko.html
http://codshit.blogspot.com/2008/07/why-and-how-alexander-litvinenko-was.html
24. Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The Sword and the Shield, p.148
25. See, e. g., this link: http://www.cbsnews/com/stories/2010/06/28/world/main6627393.shtml
26. Bamford, The..., p. 67.
27. Ibid., p. 38.
28. See O'Rourke, op. cit.
29. For its existence - what some investigators deny - see this link: http://www.londontoolkit.com/whattodo/harrods.htm
30. http://www.thisislondom.co.uk/standard-23874697-last-images-of-spy-in-bag-gareth-williams.do
31. http://blog.wshingtonpost.com/spy-talk/2010/09/gareth_williams_death_not_spy-.html

CIA's Aggressive Spying Operations Against Russia Result in Continuing Fiascoes

2011-11-02T12:08:00.002Z

by Trowbridge H. Ford

As the Cold War was ending, the scientific establishments of Moscow and Beijing were most desirous of letting the world know what they had been able to achieve regarding weapons of mass destruction (WMD) since their inception, inviting Danny Stilliman, the former director of the Technical Intelligence Division at the Los Alamos National Laboratory, to visit Chinese facilities on many occasions, and former Soviet ones once in December 1991. While his hosts were most eager to let the world know what they had been able to achieve on their own in these various fields, Washington was not only most interested to learn for itself what had been accomplished but also engage in a good bit of spying to be on the safe side regarding current relations with the world powers which were seemingly losing much of their expansive punch. Director of Central Intelligence Robert Gates had just been confirmed to make sure that Washington was finally up to speed about their remaining potential. The world's only superpower, though, could not be complacent about what the future might have in store.

While Stillman's visits to China were by far the main interest of President Bush's decision-makers, his single trip to Russia was not without importance, especially if Moscow's counterparts were to revert, it seems, to their former Soviet ways. The Soviet Union had just experienced the previous summer the hardliners' unsuccessful coup, led by KGB Chief Vladimir Kryuchkov, to save it despite Mikhail Gorbachev's reforms, and President Boris Yeltsin did not manage to fully secure power until he defeated Vice President General Alexander Rutskoi and parliamentary speaker Russlan Khasbulatov in their attempt to seize power, thanks to his calling in Vladimir Putin and remnants of the security services to help out. No one could be sure how the struggle would finally work out, and whether it could provide serious problems for the West. After all, it was because of a lack of similar concern when Josef Stalin was gaining power that the original Cold War developed.

Thomas Reed, in telling of Stillman's Russian visit the following December in The Nuclear Express, juxtaposed it with the meeting Yeltsin and the new elected Presidents of the Ukraine and Belarus were holding in Brest to finally abolish the Soviet Union. It was there that Leon Trotsky signed the armistice with the Germans back in 1918 which started the Bolshevics on their way to world power. Regarding the substance of the meeting that Stillman had with former Soviet nuclear physicists, Reed took some liberties in discussing the role of his host, Yuliy Khariton, acting as if he was the grand old man of the Soviet atomic project when, in fact, he was only dragged into it by its real father, Igor Kurchatov, and had outlived many on its more important scientists. "He wanted recognition for all," Reed explained, "including credit to certain Americans for unknowingly giving help, but he also wanted to mark the boundary between espionage and Soviet science, and he wanted to be the one who drew that line." (p. 27)

Reed then reported that Khariton only admitted that German physicist Klaus Fuchs had helped the Soviets in designing their atomic bomb, adding quite erroneously that Fuchs was sending messages by "...the Greenglas-Rosenberg courier system" (p. 30) - obviously to implicate the executed couple in the most serious Soviet espionage when his handler was chemist Joseph Arnold Robbins aka Raymond. (Ronald Radosh and Joynce Milton, The Rosenberg File, p. 21) Communist physicists Ted Hall, George Koval and several other unnamed spies of various sorts were mentioned to remind Khariton of what dedicated Americans had contributed to Moscow's program. "Thus," Reed added, "the Soviet claim that Fuchs 'was our only spy' remains an article of Soviet cant, but it is not true." (p. 32) Then, when it came time for the Soviets to come up with their own thermonuclear bomb, he added sarcastically, they showed the same "impeccable physical intuition" (p. 37), so characteristic of Kurchatov's secret work, in discovering radiation implosion to trigger one which they had shown in coming up with a successful atomic bomb in the first place.

Reed got so carried away by the level of Soviet spying - what really got nuclear proliferation started - that he invented one, the alleged efforts of a Mr. Arthur Fielding (code name PERSEUS), another alleged American spy at Los Alamos who kept Moscow abreast of nuclear developments for years, only suspending connections for a few years because apparently of so many of his fellow spies being caught, and the Cold War really getting started. PERSEUS, well-connected to all the American nuclear scientists like Edward Teller and Stanislaus Ulam assigned to build a thermonuclear, was allegedly obliged to rejoin KGB spying efforts by playing up to his vanity, offering financial rewards, threatening him with exposure, and the like.Thanks to his spying, Teller, according to Stillman and Reed, became the father of both the American and Soviet H-bombs.(p. 41) Moreover, Andrei Sakharov did not originate the two-stage, radiation-imploded, thermonuclear bomb - only thought it worth looking into - what seasoned Soviet physicists German Goncharov and Lev Feoktistsov apparently corroborated - though Reed did not consider the possibility that they were just telling him tales to make him feel superior.

The same goes for Stillman and Reed accepting Lona Cohen' s deathbed confession to KGB operative Anatoly Yatsov aka Anatoly Yakovlev that PERSEUS was recruited by her husband Morris, and was indeed, the Soviet spy working all those years at Los Alamos. (p. 30, n. 10) The claim is obviously intended to make former communist J. Robert Oppenheimer, the chief science advisor to and one-time director of the Atomic Energy Commission, and the vigorous opponent of building any H-bomb, America's chief traitor, but there are all kinds of problems with doing so. The Cohens almost certainly did not recruit him, as books on Venona with this title by Nigel West (pp. 175-6), and John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr (pp. 317-21) show, and whose identity the Russians are most committed to keeping secret even now. The apparent reason is that PERSEUS was a far more effective spy than Oppenheimer ever could have been, though he would have been a great catch, and the disclosure of this true identity would have been a great embarrassment to the West, especially the special arrangement between Washington and London.

PERSEUS, it seems, is Peter Wright aka 'K' and SCOTT, the one-time Oxford recruiter in the days leading up to WWII, and who became so well-established by the time Germany invaded the Soviet Union, thanks to his discovery of the way to demagnetize ships against torpedoes, that he had access to all the secrets of the Manhatten Project in Britain.

Recently, a memo, dated July 1941, by KGB chief Vsevolod Merkulov was found, identifying SCOTT as civil servant Arthur Wynn, but this was just a convenient cover for Wright - whose candidate for the role had always been Wynn (Spy Catcher, pp. 265-7) - who the Soviets hoped would soon be rejoining them as 'K' since the Non-Aggression Pact with the Nazis was over. It was while he was working with Gordon Lonsdale's spy ring well after the war's end that he got to know of the Cohens, then known as the Krogers, and now his courier for stolen material, and little wonder that Lona finally did what her Soviet masters wanted by not revealing his identity. In the process, Moscow was doing Britain a favor by not divulging his identity, and Reed and Stillman took advantage of the gap at Oppenheimer's apparent expense.

Stillman still kept up the threat of Wright's possible exposure by reporting to the FBI in Santa Fe in the mid-1990s his suspicions about PERSUES but the investigation of him soon got sidetracked by the Bureau checking on another Stillman charge of communist spying - that allegedly of Los Alamos's Wen Ho Lee for the Chinese (p. 38). Certainly, PERSEUS could not have been Oppenheimer since he was long dead, and Stillman said that the Soviet spy was still alive. Peter Wright was sill alive. After PERSEUS finally died, Stillman and Reed still refused to identify who they thought he was "...since he can neither defend his faimly nor refute our arguments..." Then one can only wonder why they did make the claims while he was still alive, and they then incredibly added: "The actual identity of PERSEUS does not matter - his fingerprints are what count." The point seems to be to make people a bit paranoid about the possibility of spying

If anyone has any doubts about their believing that other unidentified Americans are still spying for Moscow in large numbers - what continues to fuel the runaway nuiclear express which is threatening the destruction of the civilized world, they should just read more carefully what they have written. When Stillman and Reed were making thier farewells from Moscow, Khariton still repeating the alleged myth that only Fuchs had helped it with its program, they reminded readers that he "...also neglected to mention Khrushchev's decision, in April 1957, to pass on Khariton's sophisticated nuclear technology to the People's Republic of China (P.R.C.) an aid package that was to include an atomic bomb."(p. 44)

For anyone who had any doubts about where this could lead, they said this at the book's outset: "Certain parts of the Chinese government may have decided it would be in their best interest to accept, or even encourage, multiple nuclear events (or wars) within the Western world: thus the apparent Chinese tolerance of North Korean, Pakistani, and Iranian nuclear amibtions." (p. 4.)

To meet this apparent threatening challenge, Stillman and Reed urged the West, espcially Washington, to gear up for a new Cold War with its new enemies. The Presidents of the United States and Russia must see that existing safeguards against nuclear proliferation are observed. Their scientists, engineers, and technicians must not be allowed to obstruct, divert, or interfere with the process. There must be no return of either Maoists or Leninists to positions of power in either China or Russia. To know what is really on the minds of our new enemies, the American intellligence community must know that it "...can only be accomplished on the ground, with great effort, training, and by the recruitment of Muslim and North Korean agents in place." (p. 327) America needs, according to them, a good, independent DCI - unlike what it has received from recent, politically-minded ones. "Divisive efforts," they concluded, "will surely bring about the greatest train wreck in the history of mankind.(p. 330)

The trouble with these Cassandra-like calls is not that they have been ignored but rather that they have been taken too seriously. Since Obama's election as President, Washington has essentially done what they called for - e. g., using its vast lead in space weapons to help stop nuclear proliferation, increasing dramatically the funding of its intelligence community and seeing that the Director of National Intelligence gets out of the covert intelligence business, putting a new emphasis upon humint and a DCI who will see to its use in spades, attempting to determine what important possible adversaries are thinking about doing and developing networks to learn how what has been decided is being executed, etc.

Of course, these are admirable aims - what almost all intelligence communities have contended they were doing - but they must be done in the right context, and with a due sense of proportion. A go-for-broke mentality - where anything goes, cost is not an important considertion, all kinds of agencies to do it, and there is no concern about unexpected blowback - can only lead to more and more unexpected surprises. These operations are carried out in the real world - not some secure laboratory - and the more they are engaged in, the more America's opponents will see what is going on, and adopt appropriate countermeasures.

In the post-Soviet period, the alarms raised against Moscow et al.- what Stillman and Reed have almost made an avocation of - have generally proven quite overblown. Weapons systems - whether they be missiles, nuclear weapons, or other weapons of mass destruction, and the whereabouts of scientists who know how to make and use them - have often been overstated, and when finally determined, the Cassandras only come up with new claims, like Putin being a kind of intelligence dictator. While he is no Hitler, they remind readers, "...he does describe the dissolution of the Soviet Union as 'the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth century'." (p. 200) The latest scare, according to Stillman's and Reed's "highly placed Russian sources" (p. 200), is Moscow's development of domes of light which will incapacitate intermediate-range nuclear forces (INF) by nonnuclear means while still outside the atmosphere, and well away from their intended targets, rendering the INF treaty meaningless. They even included photographs of these mysterious light rays to help raise alarm about what they say the Russians are up to.

Little wonder that the Agency began focusing its intelligence gathering on such mysterious projects, hoping through efforts in Russia and China especially, and through talent-hunting for potential spies in the States, Washington could determine what was afoot. It was the Soviets' Great Illegal agents during the 1930s - such as Arnold Deutsch who was so successful in recruiting Cambridge University graduates, Nazi-posing journalist Richard Sorge who gave Stalin just what he needed to know about what the Japanese were planning before Pearl Harbor, and, of course, Ruth Kuczinski aka SONYA who recruited the Oxford spies, especially Fuchs and Wright - who gave the Soviets such insights into what they might be facing, and what they must do if they hoped to prevail. Illegals, particularly due to their talent-hunting, have a long-range potential which no other spies can match. Of course, the problems are finding ones in the right places, who are willing and able to do the job, and will always be most careful about their role, particularly not saying anything unnecessary to those recruited.

A 'false-flag' one is an easier job, at least at first, as it is easy to misrepresent who one is really working for, and to entice naive youngsters, eager to try out something exciting with few questions asked.

This, it seems, is what happened with the Manhattan 11, a group recruited by the Agency in Russia while largely youths. under the impression that they would be on the lookout for SVR illegals in West, working for the mysterious Putin people, while living comfortable lives there, particularly in the USA. The paymaster was Christopher Metsos who received considerable funds from his alleged Russian handler, and buried it in a Northern Virginia park for his agents to retrieve. Richard Murphy, husband of fellow spy Cynthia, then dug up a good bit of it, and took it to New Jersey where Michael Zottoli and Patricia Mills, living near the Agency's headquarters in Northern Virginia, went to pick up sizeable sums, and valuable assets on at least four occasions.

They, and Michael Semenko, conveniently turned themselves in to US authorities when they heard of other arrests. Another Russian in Cambridge stole the identity of Canadian Donald Heathfield - what Soviet agents like Colonel Rudolf Abel aka Gordon Lonsdale and Colonel Vasili Gordievsky had used to such great advantage - and spoke to an employee of the US government about nuclear weapons research in 2005, alerting the Bureau to his bogus status as so many false Canadian passports were being used then by covert agencies, especially the Mossad.

I must add that this all reminds me of what was intended to happen two years ago when I went to California to help in the rehabilitation of my girl friend's son. This. according to the Agency, was just a pretext for my going to Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory to learn what was going on there from employees and/or calling or visiting Reed himself who lives in nearby Healdsburg to discuss the latest in America's nuclear weapons research.

An alleged woman spy in the Manhattan 11 case, Peruvian-born journalist Vicky Pelaez, was offered a £1,300 monthy stipend, and a chance to live the rest of her life in Russia by apparently recruiting her husband, retired CUNY Baruch College Professor Jaun Lagaro, as a fellow spy, but he successfully denied the charge, and his wife refused the offer. Last but not least, this group's alleged Mata Hari was Anna Chapman, who is as likely to appear on the cover of Playboy magazine than in any intelligence agency. It all seems much lost time, trouble and expense for absolutely nothing.

To top it all off, domestic paymaster Metsos, the only operator who could shed serious light on the whole matter, jumped his puny bail after having been arrested in Cyprus, and has gone ever since conveninetly missing.

As spy games go, the whole operation was a success, with Moscow having to go along with the set up for fear to becoming the world's laughing stock if it didn't, though it still only acknowledged originally that all but one of the alleged spies were Russians. In return, Washington received back four of its own real, low-level spies. In strategic terms, though, it just caused more problems than it solved. Washington is still having to pay a price in the long run for making such an essentially pointless mess.

And to prevent this, the FBI just posted yesterday a video of its most belated, decade-long surveillance of the eleven spies. What is really interesting, though, is that all the encounters are shown with the alleged Russian spies, particularly Chapman, Murphy and Metsos, clearly shown while only the backs or the blurred faces of their handlers or contacts are shwon.

It would seem most telling if they were really Russian agents in Washington or at the UN who were involved in making the drops, and picking up others. It would prove most embarrassing and difficult for those in Moscow.

Instead it is just more disinformation by the Bureau to suit the making of Russian spies by the CIA, especially while Leon Panetta was DCI, like all those stories about sexy Anna getting all those top jobs and publicity for being a Mata Hari who Putin was obliged to take back under his wing.

He must still be laughing

Pope John Paul II's Attempted Assassination Intended To Help Cover Up Reagan's

2011-10-31T11:48:00.000Z

by Trowbridge H. Ford

Assassinations are like other murders except in one important regard - the motive of the assassin or assassins in doing so. While ordinary murders are committed because the killer wants the victim dead for some personal reason, assassins increasingly do it because it suits other persons' reasons, especially officials involved in government, and for which they for benefit in return. Signle assassins, despite convenient myths, are essntially a thing of the past, as assassinations have become a likely action for mordern governments, facing problems that they cannot solve by legal means, and wanting to avoid more destructive means, especially regime-changing war.. For persons investigating such murders, it then becomes a question of how the victim was actually killed.

One must also remember that assassinations almost never work oot as planned - what requires a more careful, long-range search if one ever hopes to discover for the truth. There are so many things that can go wrong, explaining why critics of alleged conspiracies often get their way because neither investigors nor the public have the resources, time, and effort to determine otherwise. Even if the actual killing goes according to plan - and more often it doesn't - the perpetrators can have second thoughts about what they have done, can fall out with their employers for some reason, and commit unexpected actions which just complicate matter further, often resulting in more assassinations. The corrective for this is for the investigator to look for a string of such crimes, or attempted crimes, if one wants to get the whole story.

Just think about the JFK assassination. While it seemed to go according to plan since he was shot dead several times as his motorcade went by the Texas School Book Despositor on the afternoon of November 22, 1963 in Dallas, Texas. No killing seemed like a more open-and-shut case of assassination than this, but it wasn't. The deliberate or accidental wounding of Texas Governor John B. Connally - especially because they proved not to be fatal, and he vowed to get those responsible - resulted in all the subsequent efforts, particularly blaming the communists for it, and taking out Castro's regime, to be scrubbed. JFK's actual killers, Richard Cain and Chuckie Nicoletti, ran into Dallas police officer J. D. Tippit while making their escape, and were required to kill him for fear that he would expose them as the assassins. Then the convenient capture of Lee Harvey Oswald, the communist patsy for the shooting, before he could go to Cuba was ruined because he had an alibi for the killing - what required assassination manager on the scene Jack Ruby to kill him as quickly as he could.

A similar sequence of events occurred when Sweden's Prime Minister Olof Palme was assassinated in Stockholm on Februarty 28, 1986 - what was planned to trigger a non-nuclear conclusion to the Cold War with the Soviets as the expense of the Swedish troublemaker. While the assassination went off exactly as planned, the conspirators were unable to make the patsy this time, Soviet spy Stig Bergling who was on compassionate release from prison at the time to get married, escape to the USSR, leaving the assassination without any likely assassin. When the false leads failed, Admiral Carl-Fredrik, Sweden's officlal responsible for approving arms transfers, was pushed, it seems, in front of a train six days before he was to testify the special prosecutor investigating the Iran-Contra shipments which led to Palme being targeted. Nine months later, disgraced Schleswick-Holstein politician Uwe Barschel was assassinated when he threatened to expose the scandal in making a comeback.

Then the context in which assassinations are placed change the longer they go on without a solution. The longer an individual lives, whether he be the intended victim or the perpetrator, the greater the chance of his being exonerated or overlooked for the tragedy. After the Dallas assassination, Connally, despite his alarming cry when he belatedly discovered that he too had been shot - crying out most shockingly, "Oh, no.no. no. My God, they are going to kill us all." - went on to become Nixon'sSecretary of the Treasury, and would have become Spiro Agnew's replacement as Vice President if it had not been for Watergate. Nixon, as we all well know, ultimately managed to arrange him own election after his attempt to shoot his way into the White House after LBJ surprisingly got himself elected after the Dallas tragedy.

Then time gives historians all kinds of reasons for revising assessments of deceased leaders. Events may turn out to see them in a more favorable light than originally thought. The opening of archives, both official and private, often provides a basis for seeing them in a different, usually more favorable way. Abe Lincoln and Jack Kennedy have both benefited in this way, explaining explain why they, of America's four assassination Presidents, are honored by memorials in Washington. Then President Ronald, like Nixon, has a presidential libaray and museum supported by the federal government under the terms of the National Archives and Records Adiminstration Act, and some still hope to see the Gipper's face, smiling down from Mount Rushmore. Of course, the more revisionary history there is - the more arguments, one way or another, go on - the more it promotes everyone's reputation who participated in the process.

In few cases do all the factors come more readily to mind than in the attempted assassination of Polish Archbishop and Cardinal Karol Wojtyla, better known as Pope John Paul II. A most surprising victor in a bitterly fought election after the surprising death of his predecessor, Pope John Paul I, to the Pontificate, he was almost cut down by an assassin's bullets before he had really gotten started, but, fortunately, he survived, and went on a make a name for himself as the world's leading evangelist, the faithful's staunchest pastor, and the poor's greatest protector.

By the time he was finished, he was seen, after the UN's Secretary General, as the world's leading politician, with heads of states recognizing him worldwide, and heads of governments constantly seeking audiences with him to gain approval for their policies, and legitimacy for their rule. All recent American Presidents sought audiences with him to boost their appeal with voters and fellow politicians, and Reagan even gave the Roman enclave diplomatic status in 1983. The Nordic states finally ended the Reformation by granting diplomatic relations with the Vatican during his tenure as Pontiff. Britain, that great bulwark against the so-called Anti-Christ, ultimately succumbed, with Queen Elizabeth even paying the Pope a visit.

Actually, this impression is quite removed from the much dirtier reality, as we have slowly learned. While Wojtyla was known for this piety, prose and poetry in first Nazi-occupied, and then in Soviet-occupied Poland - often prone to lapse into deep thought while involved in most mundane matters - he was a quick learner, and at no time was this better illustrated than when he became Pope. Not only did he prudently adopt the name of his fallen predecessor, but he also refused to support
anything he actually stood for.

During the previous half-century, the Curia had completely made peace with the financial and political interests which had dominated Benito Mussolini's fascist regime. The Curia itself was controlled by P2, a mysterious Masonic Lodge, which had converted the Vatican Bank - which was untaxed by the Italian government, thanks to its Concordat with El Duce - into a multi-national one which had all kinds of connections with Mafia and extreme right-wing interests worldwide for making illegal stock transactions and conducting similar money laundering.

P2's founder was Licio Gelli who had the closest political friendships with politicians like former Nazi Klaus Barbie, Nixon Chief of Staff Alexander Haig, Italian Prime Minister Sylvio Berlusconi, the Bushes, and Ronald Reagan. It constituted a "shadow government" for all kinds of Axis war-criminals who were seeking to save their skins, and their skimmings of Nazi loot from the fallout of WWII. By the time Wojtyla became Pope, Gelli was coordinating Operation Glaudio, its plan to roll back the Iron Curtain with a network of 15,000 agents and informants if a shooting war erupted with the Soviets.

The bank itself was run by American Bishop (and later) Archbishop Paul Marcinkus who relied heavily upon P2 members Michele Sindona and Roberto Calvi for arranging corrupt transactions with companies it owned, thanks to its vast war-profiteering under Pope Pius IX. It had been particularly successful in fleecing Serbs and Jews, an estimated 500,00 people, who had been rounded up by the Ustasha, the Croatian secret police, during WWII.

When Pope John Paul I aka Archbishop Alberto Luciani let the Curia's Cardinal Villot know that he planned to rid the Papacy of its bank, and of many of its Masons on September 28, 1978 - only 33 days after he had been elected to the Holy See - he was dead within six hours from a massive heart attack. The new Pope had immediately indicated that he planned something like this when he addressed the Vatican press corps thus: "We have no temporal goods to offer, no econimic interests to discuss."

While a house physican claimed that death was the result of myocardial infarction, no autopsy was ever performed - the Curia claiming falsely that there was no precedent for such a procedure - and no death certificate was ever issued. The Pope had been taking Effortil - a drug to correct low blood pressure - and conspiracy theorists, given the circumstances, seemed quite right in claiming that it was the result of an overdose - today's favorite way of explaining way a convenient murder . Villot had immediately called the papal morgue rather than any physician when he first heard about the Pope's incapacity. He added to suspicions by removing from the death scene without a trace all important evidence - the drug bottle, the Pope's last writings in his dead hands, and the vomit which was lying on his night clothes - which could help determine its cause.

"When Karol Wojtyla, John Paul II, won election as Luciano's successor he received an immediate briefing on the radical plans of Pope John Paul I," Jonathan Vankin and John Whelan have concluded in their account of the real story of the Godfather, Part III in The 60 Greatest Conspiracies of All Time. "He implemented not a single one." (p. 118)

Instead the new Pope established an iron-grip on the Church, reminiscent of how communists ran the Soviet Union from the Kremlin, and his Polish compatriots from Warsaw. In canon law, he strengthened the hand of the Curia in determining church doctrine, official promotion, and recognition of saintly deeds. John Paul II had little tolerance for debates and critics within the heirarchy about questions regarding social and economic conditions, celibacy among the priesthood, and the place of women in the church. Priests were instructed to sign the "mandatum" which upheld the magisterium of the Pope in such matters. John Paul II even expected bishops in diocese throughout the world to oversee the hiring of teachers in all Catholic colleges and universities.

And, of course, the Pope would brook no compromise when it came to questions of contraception, homosexuality, abortion, and euthanasia - policies which seem to fly in the face of the dire conditions confronting today's world. How anyone can maintain such stands with an overpopulated world being daily decimnated by AIDS, other diseases, and a lack of basic needs, and people who contact them dying slow, hopeless deaths is beyond me. In fact, the Pope's own death seems an ironic twist of the issues, with him finally succumbing despite all kinds of desperate measures - a tracheotomy to keep him breathing, food tubes through his nose and stomach to keep supplying nutrition, an electric shock which restarted his heart after he had suffered brain damage because of a stoppage, etc.

John Paul II did not simply lay down the law but saw to its implementation. "A consumate politician," Kenneth L Woodward wrote in Newsweek, "he nonetheless forbade priests in Latin America from joining political movements and those in the United States from holding elective office." The Pope hated everything about Jesuit "liberation politics" among America's suppressed native peoples, and is well remembered for admonishing Father Ernesto Cardenal, the Sandinistas' Culture Minister, for practicing it in Nicaragua.

People may have forgotten, though, that the prohibition against priests holding elected office in America was directed specifically against Father Robert Drinan, S.J., former Dean of the Boston College Law School, and a Congressman from Massachusetts when Watergate broke. Drinan introduced the first impeachment petition into the House against Nixon on July 31, 1973, claiming rightly that he ordered the secret bombing of Cambodia, and engaged in various "high crimes and misdemeanors", especially the secret taping of Oval Office conversations, and ordering the illegal break-ins by E. Howard Hunt's Plumbers. Drinan, in sum, was one of the very few real statesmen at the time, as Jimmy Breslin in How the Good Guys Finally Won wrote, and the Pope was certainly not among them when he prevented Drinan from continuing.

And this too might have come back to haunt the Pope. By the time that Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan gained office, John Paul II had largely outlived his usefulness. He had changed the character of the Church, set its new agenda, and started carrying it out, and there was no need for him to continue. Someone else could certainly carry on in his footsteps. The nearly-successful assassination of the just inaugurated Reagan by John Hinckley, Jr., on March 30, 1981 almost made that a necessity as the new Pope had apparently taken the place of Lech Walesa as a Polish intelligence service spy after the CIA had gone to such lenghts to woo the labor leader away from it. The assassination of John Paul II was a forerunner of the one which killed Palme, an independent player who gummed up the plots..

Reagan's near assassination was the result of a plot, one to get rid of President Carter if he threatened to get re-elected, especially through some kind of 'October Surprise', and the plan was scrubbed when it no longer seemed necessary. And when this assumption apparently proved unfounded, the plotters settled for shooting Beatle John Lennon instead because Hinckley was no longer available. The Lennon assassination reactivated Hinckley, though, because he was so distressed by it, but by then, he knew how he had been used and abused earlier, and turned on the man responsible, Vice President George H. W. Bush, and then on the President when he proved available. It is a case of blowback without parallel.

This is well established if one takes the time to read Lou Cannon's tome, President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime. There is no attempt to explain the assassination, just a brief discussion of what happened afterwards when Secretary of State Alexander Haig tried illegally to take command when Vice Presdient Bush was returning to Washington from Texas (pp. 164-5), and Cannon' noting that White House aide Edwin Meese gave the President the daily intelligence brief in writing rather than National Secuirty Adviser Richard Allen in person while he was recovering from the assassination attempt. "For Reagan, his national security adviser was both out sight and out of mind." (p. 156)

Cannon should have added that this was because Allen had activated Ted Shackley who got social psychiatrist Leilani Siegfried to do a quick hypnosis on Mark David Chapman which resulted ultimately in the Manchurian Candidate killing Beatle John Lennon - what resulted in Hinckley's surprise blowback.

Former Governor John Connally had surprisingly not even made it to Washington in Reagan's administration because of the false scare that he had made about Carter having pulled off the surprise - what resulted in the activation of Allen who got Shackley involved in the unnecessary killing of Lennon. While Nxion's former Secretary of the Treasury had the highest recommendations from the former President, Reagan would have none of him, not even as Defense Secretary, stuck out in the Pentagon, as he had proven a most unnecessary "wheeler-dealer". (Quoted from Cannon, p. 62.)

Pope John Paul II had proven a big disappointment in stoking up the conflagation that charismatic Lech Walesa and his Solidarity trade union movement was
creating in Poland's shipyards. The dramatic rise of food prices in the summer of 1980 caused such a wave of hidden discontent surfacing that the Kremlin feared that the Polish communist government in Warsaw would not survive unless it instituted a crackdown - what it consistently declined to do for fear of a bloodbath. On August 27th, the Pope - who Poles contended had burned his party card when he became Pontiff - persuaded Edward Gierek's government to agree to their demands for independent unions, and organizations of self-government - what seemed to strike at the heart of continued communist rule in Eastern Europe.

It turned out to be hardly anything at all. Polish Primate Stefan Wysynski, who was the real Catholic leader behind the strikers, died, replaced by the much more conciliatory Cardinal Jóseph Glemp. Gierek was ultimately replaced by the much shrewder General Wojciech Jaruzelski who was finally willing to bite the bullet, and put down the dissidents by force. And all the while, the Pope, starting with his meeting in the Vatican on January 15th with Walesa, was stringing him along - to just sit tight, and let things work themselves out. Things did not work themselves out until the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989 when a Solidarity-led government finally came to power with the collapse of the communist one-party state.

The assassination of the Pope seemed like a replay of what Shackey had arranged at Lennon's expense when The Gipper's presidential hopes seemed to be going down the tubes, thanks to an 'October Surprise' that Carter's people had arranged with Tehran's mullahs. The Pope's assassination - and Mehmet Ali Agca intended to kill him in no uncerrtain terms - would divert attention away from what most embarrassingly and surprisingly had happened to the President - what could lead to a constitutional crisis over a suspect coup.

The badly wounded Pope, though not intended, served an even better cover. Whether the President and the Pope would even recover, much less fully, kept all kinds of actions in a state of limbo which their perpetrators exploited further.

The most liikely suspect of the assassination was Italy's most corrupt Intellegence service, SISMI. Hardly had all the mess been cleaned up at St. Peter's Square than it produced a document from a meeting of the Warsaw Pact which claimed that the assassin had been trained in the USSR - what proved to be a forgery. (Vankin and Whelan, p. 340) To back up the claim, it was then falsely contended that the Bulgarian secret service had recruited Agca to do the job to "...demoralize uppity Poland, the Holy Father's communist-infested homeland." (Quoted from ibid., p. 339.)

During the fallout from the assassination attempts, both Washington and John Paul II tried to hide from one another who they thought had really tried to kill them, why, and what they were doing about it. As soon as the Pope was truly fully recovered, Reagan paid a visit to the Vatican Library on June 7, 1982 during which they traded pleasantries and confidences about the ill-advised consequences of the Yalta agreement which confused everyone, and led nowhere. It seemed like just more stringing along which both leaders were noted for.

Then Casey's CIA, Italy's SISMI, and agents of the Curia tried to prove that Ali Agca was not a lone assassin, and certainly not one connected to the
neofascist Grey Wolves but really one that Bulgarian intelligence had activated for the KGB. Just before the trial, Agca confessed, claiming that he had been recruited by a Bulgarian spy master, Colonel Sergei Antonov, whose apartment he described in great detail. "The strange thing was that he had described the Antonov suite to a T- with the exception of one salient architectural detail in every other apartment in the complex, but not Antonov's. (p. 341)

The complex had an apartment which the Curia had access to, and it worked up Agca to make the case against the Bulgarians there, thanks to help supplied by an Italian-speaking CIA agent working in an American college. (Information withheld to protect source.)

Agca reminded one of James Earl Ray, MLK's assassin, when he constantly changed his story, so much so that the Pope, like King's survivors, finally agreed to meet with their nemeses, acknowledging that they were not really responsible for what happened.

It all provided good cover for the collapse of Banco Ambrosiano, the largest private bank in Italy, when it was discovered to be missing $1,300,000,000 - what was finally traced to the Vatican Bank.It refused to allow any investigation of it, claiming successfully papal immunity, but it did agree to give creditors $241,000,000 in compensation for its "moral involvement" in its illegal deals - like supplying Solidarity with $12,000,000.

Calvi, whose life was depicted in the film God's Bankers, was jailed for four years, and fined £8,200,000 for the illegal export of money from the bank. He was found hanging from Blackfriar's Bridge in London on June 17, 1882 while out on appeal - what was orginally judged a suicide but was changed to murder at a second
inquest, caused by his survivors. Gelli received a 12-year sentence for the affair, and is currently living as an exile in America - at the retirement community of Sun City in Arizona. Sindona died in prison from a poisoned cup of coffee.

Given the rot surrounding Rome, it was hardly surprising that the Pope devoted his last years to travel, and reflection. His evangelical efforts, and supporting those of others - beatifying and canonizing more than all his predecessors combined - seem intended to compensate for the failings of his underlings, especially in the American child sex-abuse scandal - what Boston's Cardinal Bernard Law was obliged to cover up at great expense.

In the Pope's later writing, he pretty much scrapped his earlier ideas about the dignity of labor (1983) and the evangelization of its culture for keeping up with the G8 in such matters when he wrote his 1991 pastoral letter, "One Hundred Years", emphasizing the virtues of globalism and free markets in making an economically and socially more efficient capitalism.

Terry Eagleton, the cultural theorist at Manchester University, best summed up John Paul II for me when he wrote for The Guardian: "He was one of the greatest disasters for the Christian Church since Charles Darwin."

Sichuan Earthquake: Wily Pentagon Completely Confused China About What It Had And Was Doing?

2011-10-25T10:49:00.000+01:00

Trowbridge H. Ford

National Intelligence Director Mike McConnell's inaugural address in June 2007 about cancelling the Misty satellite program - what Republican Congressman Peter Hoekstra, Republican Chairman of the House Select Committee on Intelligence, conveniently said was a serious compromise of national security - was a most clever move to persuade America's opponents to think that it would not have undetected space ability to destroy their capability to defend themselves, whether it be tracking such weapons or destroying them in case of war. It seemed that America had only two such satellites according to Professor Jeffrey Richelson, author of The Wizards of Langley - one put up in 1990 and another in 1999 - and the cancellation apparently left America naked to its potential enemies, as the first one was certainly not even still airborne, as satellites only have a shelf-life of about six to eight years, and time was clearly running out on the second one if it was still in the sky.

The ending of the $9.5 billion project, way over budget, was justified because America no longer needed stealth satellites to spy on the defunct Soviets but smaller, trickier ones after the 9/11 attacks to track down difficult "...terrorist cells and underground sites for nuclear programs run by countries such as Iran and North Korea." (Associated Press, "Spy Chief Scraps Satellite Program," June 21, 2007) Lexington Institute's Loren Thompson, an independent space weapons expert, confirmed that the budgetary decision was indeed a fact, while Congresswoman Heather Wilson, the top Republican on its intelligence panel, downplayed the consequences of the termination by explaining that some of the technology developed by the Misty program could be used in other ones, though she conveniently declined to provide any examples.

Of course, distinguishing stealth satellites from image and radar-seeking ones is a most false one as all satellites should have a stealth capability so that they can most effectively do what they are designed to do, whether it was to capture images of Soviet ICBMs going on line for a possible launch, or discover bunkers of some potential enemy where its nuclear weapons are stored. Without a stealth capability, the ICBMs might only be prepared for launch during overcast conditions, or the potential enemy might move them underground which prevents them from being seen under any conditions. The distinction, in short, seems to have been disinformation to confuse potential targets of America's satellites from suspecting what it was preparing for.

The problems with this public demonstration was that its disclosures were largely belied by what the Air Force Secretary Michael Wynne had said months before. In an article about Chinese ground-based lasers blinding US image and radar satellites, the usually tight-lipped Wynne said that America still had an "enormous" lead over the Chinese in space, and, consequently, the Pentagon and the American public should not be worried. The US had at least three heavy satellites of the Keyhole-Lacrosse-Misty kind, so even if one of them became inoperable or crashed, it would still have its normal complement for dealing with the problem.

For more on the subject, see this link

As for what the real complement of space satellites of military value the Pentagon had, there was still that infamous National Reconnaissance Office shoulder patch which showed four satellites, three apparently of an image-making variety, and one with a radar-destruction capability - what a big airborne laser could achieve. Director Donald Kerr had replaced it because it was too revealing of their offensive capabilities. The replacement patch did not change the agency's capability, though, only provided a less alarming cover of what it was capable of - what illustrated in spades the capability that Wynne had alluded to.

At this time, the American government was preventing the publication of Danny B. Stillman's book, Inside the Chinese Nuclear Weapons Program - a big book about what he had learned while he was working at the Los Alamos National Laboratory, finishing up as its intelligence director. Stillman had visited China nine times during the 1990s, obtaining a good view of what Deng Xiaoping had had rebuilt in the mountains near Chengdu after the 1976 earthquake in Tangshan - the one apparently destroyed by Soviet airborne lasers - had effectively wiped out its first nuclear establishment. During Stillman's visits to China, he learned all about its Institute of Nuclear Physics and Chemistry around Mianyang; Beichnan - the home of the father of China's nuclear program, Deng Jiaxian - the nuclear research, testing, and manufacturing center way up west in the mountains at Dashita; and the nuclear underground assembly and storage facilities still further north in this most remote area.

When Stillman tried to get the courts to overturn the refusal by the CIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency, and the Pentagon to allow the publication of 23 long passages in the manuscript despite the contracts he had signed about disclosures - what, in effect, gutted the project's attractiveness - he finally failed, the Appeals Court for the District of Columbia explaining that its publication could "...cause serious damage to national security, create serious risks to intelligence sources and methods, and/or cause significant strategic and diplomatic setbacks to the United States. The Court also is convinced that the disputed passages contain information that is not in the public domain." (Danny B. Stillman v. Central Intelligence Agency)
It did not require a rocket scientist to determine that the manuscript was a road map to the essentials of China's nuclear capability. Its publication might ruin future efforts to mine what it was developing, and its outcome might well result in a serious setback to Chinese-American relations.

The reason why the American defense establishment fought so hard against the publication of Stillman's manuscript was because it was most concerned about China's possible proliferation of nuclear technology to Libya, Pakistan, North Korea and other rogue states - what could well call for focused counter measures to punish the growing Pacific power. When it was finally learned through Colonel Qaddafi that Beijing had indeed been helping these powers gain a nuclear capability through its help in providing them with the technology for generating electricity through atomic power, Washington was understandably looking for ways of stopping the process. China justified the covert operation in the hope of stopping India from becoming the primary player in the region by helping Pakistan and possibly others keep up with its nuclear achievements.

Any doubts about what Stillman and his associate Thomas C. Reed were up to when he visited China were completely ended when they published in 2009 many details about them in The Nuclear Express, as these quotations amply demonstrate:
"At every stop within China, Stillman found English-speakers translating U. S. documents night and day, alumni of prestigious and lesser-known U. S. schools working the problems, and a suffocating attention to every scrap of information dropped by visitors." (pp. 127-8)

The Chinese test site area (known as Milan) is seven times larger than the U. S. Nevade Test Site. It is an electronically secure facility." (p. 354)
"But there is another advantage to an atmospheric test ban: the privacy it gives the testing nation. Without tests in the atmosphere, competing and inquisitive neighbors cannot collect fallout debris. They will have a harder time understanding the devices tested by their rivals, it becomes easier for the testing nation to bluff." (p. 128)
"That reactor, FBR-2, was capable of delivering an intense flux of neutrons and gamma rays within microseconds, thereby simulating the radiation emitted during an actual nuclear device detonation." (p. 227)

"This was Stillman's second visit to that epicenter of Chinese nuclear weapons technology (Science City), and it was far more informative than the first. He was taken to see high-explosive test facilities, chambers capable of containing the debris from the detonation of a dozen pounds of high-explosives wrapped around heavy metals simulating uranium." (Ibid.)

"For reasons not clear, in 1999, the American door into China's nuclear world slammed shut." (p. 229)

"The coming of the internethas brought an awareness of wealth disparity to rural China. It has also made possible the near-instantaneous assemby of huge crowds to protest dam-building, land-seizures, or simple mismanagement. If one such protest burns out of control. a hundred million Chinese will know about it winthin and hour. Could the establishment within the cities withstand such sponteneous combustion? Probably not..." (pp. 233-4)

Any understanding or concern about this turn of events was completely undermined by the finishing touches that Naomi Klein put to The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism. Earthquakes, especially their causes, were not even considered disasters except when she was alluding to the consequences of the Indian Ocean tsunamis in Sri Lanka. Thanks to the role of climate change, she claimed, "disaster generation can therefore be left to the market's invisible hand." (p. 540) No conspiracy theories were required for dealing with all the disasters, only how their consequences were handled. There was no more a conspiratorial dimension to disasters than thinking that the US government "...had a hand in the 9/11 attacks or took no action to stop them 'because they wanted the United States to go to war in the Middle East'."(p. 539)

This was all apparently written with a straight face while recounting that "...hurricanes, cyclones, floods and forest fires (were) all increasing in frequency and intensity," (p. 525) while Lockheed Martin, the aerospace giant noted for making satellites, missiles, airborne lasers, integrated defense systems, and the like, was taking in $25 billion of taxpayer money in 2005 alone, more than the gross national product of 103 countries, and more than a good bit of the US government itself. In recounting what it made, she somehow left them out, preferring to site its running the government's computer systems, data management, sorting the mail, totalling up one's taxes, running space flights, and monitoring air traffic.

The disparity between what Lockheed Martin manufactures, and what Klein said it does seems more than accidental, especially when one reads what she said about Boeing, the giant airplane, satellite, and arms manufacturer. Boeing is now particularly known for its lasers, airborne weapons, and integrated defense systems but she made it look more like simply a civilian aviation industry which has sprouted into making a $2.5 billion project to fence off Canada and Mexico from the USA with electronic sensors, unmanned aircraft, surveillance cameras and eighteen hundred towers. (p. 555) She even mentioned it providing $20 million to start up neocon Richard Perle's Trireme Partners, a venture capital firm to develop products and services for homeland security and defense. (p. 405)

As if this wasn't strange enough, Ms. Klein added that Deng Xiaoping's China was primed for a bout of disaster capitalism because of its having adopted a double dose of the Chicago boys' shock treatment - the first to open up its command economy to globalization, and the second when it crushed the protesters at Tiananmen Square in 1989. With the eradication of popular opposition to Deng Xiaoping's radical reforms, the Chinese leadership risked terrible blowback if there was some kind of disaster, especially if it exposed helter-skelter work that was done in the process. The raw terror of the suppression, she concluded, kept the country quiet for awhile, but it was now increasing in incidence and vehemence. "China too," Klein concluded, "is coming out of shock." (p. 579)

In so concluding, Ms. Klein overstated the role of Party General Secretary Zhao Ziyang and future President Jiang Zemin had played in the showdown with the rebellious students, thanks to their meeting with neocon rabblerouser Milton Friedman - what she thought indicated a serious division within the Party leadership over how to deal with the protests, and threatened a new civil war.
Actually, Zhao never really saw himself as the instigator of serious trouble, and didn't realize that he had been sent into exile until years after the uprising had been suppressed. In the process, she vastly overstated how many had been killed, two to seven thousands (p. 237), rather than the 300 to 700 - what indicated that China was less of a powderkeg than she thought.

To set the stage for triggering the still necessary disaster, McConnell made his pursuit of bringing down the Misty satellite an open obsession, as I have already discussed.

The demonstration knockdown was to show the Chinese leadership that Washington could knock down its own, spent satellites with a missile too - what Beijing had secretly done to one of its own satellites two years previously, starting the whole process of somehow figuring how to deal with the troublesome Chinese - but more important to show that the Pentagon apparently no longer had such radar satellites to take the offensive..

After the Misty satellite was knocked down, the Air Force could have failed to keep track of its falling debris, leading to the first loss of one of its famous stealth bombers, a B-2, while it was taking off from Anderson Air Force Base in Guam, to confirm the shootdown.

At least, that was the way it seemed when the Air Force provided a video of the group of four B-2s taking off. After the first one lifted off without difficulty, the second one was doing the same until right after liftoff when apparently a piece on the runway bounced up, hitting the trailing edge of its left wing, causing its engine to explode, and the plane quickly crashing in front of the control tower, the two pilots ejecting safely in the split-second, slam-bang operation. It all almost seemed staged to give the impression that the Air Force was hopelessly out of control in any operations.

For more, see this link.

America's covert government then sprang into high gear, hoping that its actions to help loosen Chinese control of Tibet would ultimately so shake its control in other foreign areas, especially Myanmar and North Korea, and even domestically that its continued existence would be placed in jeopardy. The campaign was triggered by the Dalai Lama, head of Tibet's government in exile, condemning China's brutal rule of the country in anticipation of the 50th anniversary of the failed coup in 1959 - what was precipitated by the successful flight of the 14th Dalai Lama when it really commenced. The current one's speech triggered riots in Lhasa and throughout the country, resulting in the death of many ethnic Chinese residing there, and of some Tibetan protesters. The results did not augur well for similar Chinese living in Myanmar and North Korea if further rioting occurred, thanks to unexpected events or disasters.

Tibet's continuing plight reminded the CIA all too well about its own troubled past in the isolated country. Its first two heroes, Douglas Mackiernan and Hugh Redmond, had died in trying to prevent the Chinese communists from occupying the country, and then promoting its rollback. Mackiernan had been killed, beheaded, and buried in an unmarked grave by Tibetan border guards while entering the country in 1950, hoping to mobilize the Muslims in surrounding areas of western China against Mao's advancing People's Liberation Army. As Ted Gup wrote in The Book of Honor: The Secret Lives and Deaths of CIA Operatives, "...a key part of his mission was to embolden and advise the very resistance..." (p. 20) which he had only alluded to in a letter to his wife.
In a dedication service at CIA headquarters in 1997, DCI George Tenet revealed that MacKiernan was its first agent to die while doing foreign service for it, and his name which had not been revealed in Gup's book.

Redmond's mission in 1951 was to infiltrate as a foreign illegal operative, posing as a business man, the newly established communist regime with agents recruited from Shanghai in the hope of mounting resistance against it through acts of sabotage. (p. 50) Redmond was simply rounded up, though, by the communist authorities as a security measure, and languished in prison for the next nineteen years after having been convicted of espionage in 1954.

In 1970, just when young Robert Gates - later to become DCI himself, and recently the Secretary of Defense - was starting his career with the Agency in earnest, it was shocked to learn that Redmond had finally committed suicide after a covert ransom plan, involving famous Americans, and a $1,000,000 in Agency funds, to gain his release had failed.

And then there was the plight of other agents, and missionaries who finally were freed by Beijing. China, in sum, was the biggest source of losses by the CIA, even bigger than the former USSR, and it was high time for a payback for all its setbacks - what Tenet had started with the laser-guided bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade during the campaign to force Serbia's Slobodan Milosevic to withdraw his forces from Kosovo, due to its "faulty information". Gup concluded: "This was paired with scandalous accounts of Chinese spying at U.S. nuclear weapons labs and wholesale theft of America's most sensitive secrets." (p.371)

To give added credence to this claim about "wholesale theft of America's most sensitive secrets", and provide insurance against being seen as the culprit as the countdown of the attack against China neared its end, the Justice Department was putting the finishing touches on its indictment of fallguy Dr. J. Reece Roth - an expert on plasma technology, what the latest Misty satellites were equipped with to make them undetectable by Chinese radar - for spying for Beijing. Roth was working with graduate students from China and Iran on protecting drones with plasma technology, and had visited China twice to help in the research.

Upon his return in 2006, he was arrested by the FBI, and it ultimately determined that Roth's lack of concern about the security of his research, especially allowing his assistants to see many Defense Department articles about plasmas, constituted espionage, and, like Samuel Loring Morison back in 1985, Roth faced a long time in prison if convicted of the 18 counts.

To pull off an earthquake around China's nuclear weapons center in Sichuan with the least cause of suspicions, the Air Force heated up with its latest Misty laser satellite Cyclone Nargis in the Bay of Bengal in late April 2008, much like it had Hurricane Katrina when it passed by Cuba in 2005, changing its direction to the northeast, and having it slam into the militarily-led Myanmar with deadly consequences. Its junta had long been on the Pentagon's hit list because of its close relationship with China, and its continued holding hostage of democratically elected Aung San Suu Kyi. Its generals simply did not know what had hit it, and how to respond to its devastation, as this link recounts.

While the world was mesmerized by how the Burmese junta would react to the devastation Nargis had wrought, especially how it would treat the help offered by the French and Americans in ships lying offshore, the US Air Force turned the aim of its space weapons upon targets northwest of the Sichuan area in China, the desert where its qanats were attacked, causing a minor earthquake which loosened the connections between the Indian and Asian plates, hoping to destabilize the connections at their other end where the threats of underground facilities collapsing, landslides, rock falls, cave-ins, dams bursting, viaduct failures and the like had been increased by Chinese secret development of the area. It was all very similar to what the USS Jimmy Carter did to the Indian-Australian plate's connection to the Antarctic one in anticipation of the earthquake which occurred two days later where it met the Burmese one.

As the process moved to the Wenchuan area further south, the signs of an impeding but most unexpected earthquake increased, leading to all kinds of warnings to officialdom, but Beijing could not afford to heed them because of the rapidly approaching Olympic Games. China was caught between the proverbial rock and a hard place. If it reacted vigorously to the reports - say even attempting to shoot down the offending Mistry satellite, an apparent act of war - it risked the most expensive Games turning out to be a non-event. If it did nothing, it seriously risked national security, especially if the suspected earthquake turned out to be a massive disaster. In sum, it just had to act as if nothing serious was happening, and hope that whatever happened would not threaten the regime itself.

Starting on May 2nd, there were increasing reports of cloud formations coming from Sichuan, a precursor of a large earthquake occurring according to Professor Zhonghao Shou's vapor theory about their cause, though he was surprisingly quiet about it all, leading one to suspect that the Pentagon had shut him up too by making him sign secrecy contracts in order to receive remuneration. Ever since 1991, Papa Bush had insured that no federal employees could blow the whistle on anything the government did except waste, fraud, and waste to Congress. (Angus Mackenzie, Secrets: The CIA's War at Home, p. 171)

A laser was apparently causing them, peppering the open, loose area with beams which increasingly shook and dried out all the underground places where water was. The whole area was a kind of qanat system where man had helped nature in opening up the whole area to catastrophic collapse. When the Air Force became worried that the Chinese might be on to what was going on, especially after there was a massive toad migration at Mianzhu three days before the quake - a traditional precursor of one - it had the Misty satellite activate its plasma envelope, causing the second kind of rainbow clouds, which made it invisible to Chinese radar, and permitted the beaming to continue during the daytime.

For more on the two types of cloud, etc., see this link.

On May 12th, the devastating earthquake happened, burying everything in the area in rubble except for those places which had a firm rock foundation. Beichuan city, thanks to a rippled effect it received from the epicenter, was simply buried in rubble - what no kind of earthquake protection building would have prevented - and the Chinese government has simply left untouched as a memorial to the dead. The underground nuclear assembly plant, and nuclear weapons storage sites high in the mountains received the same fate. The testing site at Dashita was so severely damaged that its nuclear reactor apparently exploded during the earthquake, but was completely covered in the ensuing rubble as if the Chinese themselves had programmed its destruction as if it were simply a test.

For a picture of the devastation, see this link.

It was the best example yet of what Naomi Klein had called "so-called Acts of God or by Acts of Bush (on orders from God)," and it is most interesting to see how the world, especially Ms. Klein, reacted to what had been wrought, as we shall see.
________________________________________

Yitzhak Rabin Assassination: Israeli Statesman Helped Dig His Own Grave

2011-10-24T11:45:00.001+01:00

By Trowbridge H. Ford

No democratic, developed country has more secretive, conspiratorial ways than the state of Israel, and they were never more in evidence than when its Prime Minister, Yitzhak Rabin, was assassinated on November 4, 1995 after attending a "Yes to Peace, No to Víolence" rally in Jerusalem by apparently a young, 3rd-year-law student at Bar-Ilan University, Yigal Amir.

While the media portrayed the killing as the result of a right-wing fanatic, opposed to any peace settlement with the Palestinians, it was actually caused by a covert operation gone wrong, reminiscent of John Hinckley's nearly successful assassination almost fifteen years earlier of President Reagan rather than the mythic 'lone assassin' theory which people in the Western world have become accustomed to when such killings occur.

The real key to understanding the murder is appreciating the close connection that Israel established with the United States during its 40-year existence. Without Washington's increasing support, the Israeli state never would have made it, given the problems the Disapora and Holocaust had caused masses of Jewish people trying to resettle in Palestine. The Truman administration's prodding of the new Labour government in Britain to give up its Palestinian Mandate was followed by the May 1948 war in which Israeli forces triumphed against all the odds over those from the weak Arab states of Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and Egypt.

While Atlee's government attributed Truman's stance of pandering to Jewish voters - and the President did acknowledge to a group of Mid-East ambassadors that he had no Arab constituents to contend with - he was genuinely committed to the Zionist cause. To enhance Democratic chances at the polls, Truman pressed for the admission of 100,000 Jewish refugees, and called for the partition of the country. When the Mandate expired on May 16, 1948, the USA, along with the USSR, immediately recognized the new state of Israel. Still, Truman's support of the Zionist cause did not play a significant role in his election in November.

During the War of Independence, Rabin, a native of Palestine, was in an ideal position to take military command of the situation as the British were forced by Jewish terrorists to withdraw. Since he had helped British forces to attack Vichy ones in Lebanon during WWII, he was domestically positioned by 1944 to take command of the Palmach commando unit of the Haganah - what would become the nucleus of the Israeli Defence Force (IDF). It took the lead in ousting Arabs from key territory around Tel Aviv, and on the road to Jerusalem. While the Palmach failed to secure the Old City after the British finally departed, Rabin was still seen as a leading hero of the struggle.

The most controversial incident regarding Rabin's alleged activities during the struggle for independence occurred on June 22, 1948 when a ship-load of Jewish Freedom Fighters, and munitions on the Altelena were prevented from joining up with Menachem Begin's Irgun guerrillas. They had blown up the King David Hotel in Jerusalem in July 1946, and it was feared that they would break the agreement for the cessation of hostilities.

Before the ship sailed from Port-de-Bouc in France, the Irgun in Palestine had signed an agreement with the government of David Ben-Gurion in Tel Aviv that all arms and fighters independently recuited would be handed over to the IDF, though the ship sailed in the hope of getting round it somehow, and secretly landing them unnoticed somewhere in Palestine - what was largely defeated by Radio London announcing its depature at the time.

When the ship finally fanded at Klar Vitin, David Even's IDF brigade, thanks to an order given by the government, set about seizing the 1,000 men, and confiscating the 4.5 ton cargo of weapons, ultimately resulting in fighting during which six of them were killed. The ship then sailed on to Tel Aviv, and before the whole confrontation was settled, another 10 died, and the ship was set afire.

In the accounts of the Altelena Affair, there is no mention of Rabin having played any significant role in the confrontation - what apologist Ben Shapiro made up for by having him carry the can when Rabin was assassinated for the failure of Begin, Ben-Gurion and Even to settle the difficulty peacefully.

During the Suez Crisis, Rabin, as commander of the Harel Brigade, was most eager to take advantage of its incursion on October 28, 1956 into the Sinai towards the Suez Canal, but the failure of Tel Aviv, Paris, and London to clear the whole operation with Washington resulted in it all going for naught. The invaders were confident that they could force Eisenhower's hand into backing the ouster of Egypt's uppiddy dictator Gamal Abdel Nasser, but the American President reacted with unprecedented opposition and speed, causing all those involved, especially Israeli Prime Minister Ben-Gurion, Defence Minister Shimon Peres, IDF chief Moshe Dayan, and Rabin never to forget the lesson.

Washington had learned something about what was planned by intercepts that the new National Security Agency (NSA) had made of messages between Tel Aviv and Paris, and those between its allies in Paris and London, but had not learned the substance of. Thanks to the divsion that Washington and London had made for eavesdropping on the world under the terms of the the postwar communications agreement, listening on what was transpiring in the Middle East was left to Britain's Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) to pass on to NSA.

It was sending along only a few which did not reveal what was planned. When Eisenhower learned the full extent of their perfidy, Washington took the necessary actions to reverse it, and NSA vowed never again to be caught short in supplying the necessary intelligence in such crucial Cold War confrontations.

The fallout from the fiasco had resulted in the Soviet Union tightening its hold on the Soviet bloc by suppressing the uprising in Budapest at the same time. Ike, still suspecting that at worst the action in the Middle East was a surprise attack on Jordan, was completely taken aback when the Israelis invaded the Sinai, advancing within 25 miles east of the Canal - just when Imre Nagy, Hungary's new Prime Minister, announced the restoration of multi-party rule.

America's U-2 intelligence gathering concentrated upon determining what was slowly unfolding in Egypt for fear that the USSR would take advantage of the fiasco there when, in fact, Moscow was arranging a rollback of what was happening in Budapest. On November 4th, two days before the American election, the Red Army began its suppression of the Hungarian revolution - something that Ike admitted that America, under the circumstances, could do nothing about. (Christopher Andrew, For The President's Eyes Only, pp. 236-7).

By 1964, Rabin had become the IDF's Chief-of-Staff, and he planned to pay back Washington and Cairo for the humiliation he and the IDF had experienced eights years earlier - what resulted in the devastating Six-Day War three years later. This time, Israel revealed its aggression to no one, counting on the fact that it could dictate Washington's response after the fact, thanks to tight security its military-intelligence establishment was noted for, and the political influence Jewish Americans had on the beleaguered Johnson administration, bogged down in Vietnam, and facing the prospect of a tough re-election campaign. There would be no babbling by the Israeli Prime Minister and her defence establishment to Washington about what was in the works this time, as had happened with Prime Minister Anthony Eden et. al. during the Suez Crisis.

The Israeli attacks on its neighbors, starting on June 4, 1967, were masterful deceptions, fooling everyone, it seemed, about who was attacking who with what - making Germany's deceptions before its soldiers marched into Poland in 1939, and the CIA's ones before the Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961 look like the most crude attempts.

The only surprise in the whole operation was the unexpected appearance of the American spy ship, USS Liberty, off El Arish on Egypt's Mediterranean coast on June 8th during the height of the struggle. The spy ship had great advantages in eavesdropping over other means as it could stay in an area where trouble was anticipated, and it could monitor and analyse all kinds of intelligence from close in, 24-7. Its only drawback was that it could hardly defend itself if discovered and attacked.

As James Bamford has described in the greatest detail in Body of Secrets, the Israelis attacked the snooper with the greatest force from sea and air for fear that it was montoring the slaughter that Rabin's forces were carrying out on shore against Egyptian prisoners: "...Israeli troops killed, in cold blood, as many as 1,000 Egyptian prisoners in the Sinai, including some 400 in the sand dunes of El Arish." (p. 202)

In an attempt to prevent the war crimes from coming out, the IDF killed 34 servicemen on the ship, wounded 171 more, and nearly sank the ship itself. It was only after the Israelis had failed to eradicate the mission that they falsely claimed that the attacks were a mistake, and agreed most reluctantly to pay measly compensation for what they had done.

When Washington learned of the hostilities, Israeli Foreign Minister Abba Eban told the American Ambassador to Israel Walworth Barbour that the Egyptians had started them - a considerable armored force had entered its territory, and had given IDF ones battle. The Foreign Minister lied about Israeli intentions, claiming that they were just interested in containing Egypt's aggression when, in face, they were involved in grabbing terrirtory which had eluded them nine years earlier.

While Israel wanted Washington to put pressure on the Soviets not to intervene, Moscow preempted the effort by sending an unprecendented message on the hot line, urging Washington to do all that it could to end hostilities, particularly exerting pressure on Israel to do the same. After a hectic half hour in the White House over how to respond to the Soviets' entreaty, Washington told Moscow that it would not be entering the conflict

It was only afterwards that President Johnson learned of the ship's dire straits, especially the carnage on board. In anticipation of such a conflict, Washington had sent the USS Liberty there is the hope of preventing it, or at least containing it from becoming a conflict with the USSR. On May 23rd, it was ordered to leave Abidjan in the Ivory Coast, and steam as fast as possible to the US Navy base in Rota, Spain, a journey of 3,000 miles, and requiring eight days travel.

There, it picked up five Arabic linquists and one senior analyst Marine Sergeant Bryce Lockwood to assess the meaning of what the Egyptians were planning and doing. (Bamford, pp.188-9) While Frank Raven told Bamford that the lack of any Hebrew linquists was due to their shortage, it indicated that NSA was only planning to eavesdrop on what the Muslims were doing. On June lst, the ship left Rota, and deployed just off El Arish when the Israli attacks started.

It seems that this effort was conducted secretly from the Israelis to give them cover without there being any revealing feedback from what was happening. The ship would have all kinds of messages deciphered about what Nasser's forces were doing, but none from the Israelis - what would quell any complaints, especially by the Soviets, of Israeli aggression. It would have no record of any massacres of prisoners by the IDF, and there were still no Hebrew linquists back at headquarters in Athens. It apparently was the Johnson administration's compensation for the damage the Israelis had suffered at the hands of the Eisenhower administration.

The only trouble with it for the Israelis was that they knew nothing about it, so they went bonkers when they discovered the spy ship just off the coast in international waters, fearing that it was collecting information about war crimes which would be used against Israel's military leadership There was no other way they could interpret this new surprise.

And when LBJ learned of the attack, Washington was more interested in sinking the ship in order to protect its vital Sigint secrets from falling into enemy hands, and to protect Israel from any embarrassment by inflaming American public opnion than saving it, and providing succor to its crew .While LBJ was afraid that the Soviets had attacked the ship, he was soon informed by his ambassador in Tel Aviv that the Israelis had confessed to having attacked it "in error". NSA had discovered the attack before anyone else, though, showing that it had been eavesdropping on all Israeli communications to have just the right record for what it had originally planned - what Bamford still cannot explain. (p. 224)

After the President informed the Soviets that the Israelis had indeed attacked the ship "in error", Washington hoped that the ship would indeed just sink. LBJ amazingly ordered the Joint Chief of Staff to have fighters from the Six Fleet which had arrived on the scene to protect the ship from further attack to be recalled. "President Lyndon Johnson came on," Rear Admiral Lawrence Geis, commander of the carrier force, added in information released after his death, "with a comment that he didn't care if the ship sunk, he would not embarrass his allies." (Quoted from p. 226.)

Never in American military history had the Commander-in-Chief been so cruel in the treatment of his own forces, and it can only be explained by the political motives in starting it in the first place. The political fallout domestically, it seems, helped induce him not to run for re-election in 1968. Rabin was so upset by what he had done to Egytian prisoners, and American eavesdroppers that he had a nervous breakdown while the fighting was still in progress.

To contain the damage done by the assault, Rabin was sent to Washington as its new ambassador, and he flouted diplomatic convention by going out of his way to make friends with members of Nixon's new Republican administration. Rabin's close relationship with NSA Henry Kissinger and DNSA Alexander Haig came in most handy when the Syrians and Egyptians tried to pay back Israel for the 1967 war by springing the Yom Kippur War on it in October 1972. Thanks to information NSA supplied the Israelis, Ariel Sharon's forces were able to beat back the Egyptian forces behind the Suez Canal which had surprisingly crossed it, and the Syrian threat to the Sea of Galilee was stymied just at the last moment. When the Soviets threatened to intervene in the war, Haig forced Breznev to back down by placing American forces around the world on the highest alert short of imminient war.

In reading the former Nixon Chief of Staff's book, Inner Circles: How America Changed the World, one gets a good glimpse of just how Haig manipulated Nixon to help the Israelis while Rabin was manipulating Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir in the defense of Jordan from Syrian attacks. Little wonder that when she retired shortly thereafter, Rabin triumphed over Peres in a bitter battle for the Labor Party leadership, and succeeded her as Prime Minister.

Three years later, though, Rabin's coalition government fell apart over an alleged financial scandal, and he went into the political wilderness. Rabin had made enemies out of the leading players by acting as if he were in the process of solving everything - i.e, the surprise threats to Israel's very existence, claiming how he had been so instrumental in its creation by stopping Begin's reckless intrusions during the Altelena Affair, and covering up the Liberty one by successfully persuading Washinging that it was indeed an accident.

Though Rabin had negotiated the Sinai Interim Agreement with Egypt, setting the country on its way to making peace with Anwar Sadat, and authorized the Entebbe raid which recovered almost all of the passengers who had been kidnapped by Uganda's Edi Amin, Rabin found dealing with the Carter administration and his fellow Isrealies over the continuing Palestinian problem so difficult that he resigned after the Labor Party was defeated in the 1977 election, doing so because his wife Leah had broken the rule about no Israeli having a foreign currency account without proper authority - what she had failed to do by opening a dollar one during their days there when he was the ambassador.

It seemed more like an excuse to avoid difficulties ahead all by himself, as if he had some fears of his own safety.

During his absence, the governments in Tel Aviv and Washington worked continuously to break down Arab opposition to Israel's existence, while trying to get Israeli voters to agree to some kind of swap of land for security. By this time, Israel had more land than it needed, and the Palestinians were becoming increasingly isolated.

The Camp David Accords that President Carter negotiated between Sadat and Begin ended Egypt's support of an armed Palestinian struggle, though Sadat was to soon lose his life at the hands of Muslim extremists. Sharon's IDF responded by driving Yasser Arafat's PLO out of Lebanon.

To soften American hostility to what Sharon had done, Prime Minister Begin went out of his way to tell the Reagan administration that Rabin had lied when he told previous American administrations that the attack on the Liberty was simply a mistake. "We... had a choice," he admitted in 1982. "The Egyptian army concentrations in the Sinai approaches do not prove that Nasser was really about to attack us. We must be honest with ourselves. We decided to attack him." (Quoted from Bamford, p. 186)

In 1984, Rabin joined a government of national unity, headed by Labour Party leader Shimon Peres, and soon thereafter he, as Minister of Defence, was obliged to suppress the first Intifada.

He did avoid being implicated in the spying by Jonathan Pollard for the Soviets, and the illegal arms dealing by Ollie North et al. during Iran-Contra. Rabin had insisted that Reagan unequivocally approve the sale of Israeli weapons to Iran in return for the hostages held there, and in August 1985 the President telephoned NSA Bud McFarlane to confirm his approval, adding that Washington would replenish Israeli weapons stocks. (Lou Cannon, President Reagan, The Role of a Lifetime, pp. 544-6)

The trouble with a bipartisan attempt in both Tel Aviv and Washington to solve the Palestinian problem was that it was done without consulting their top leaders while Iran joined the countries willing to support their increasingly fragmented leadership. Israel had long been the Shah's closest friend in the area, and his overthrow, coupled with Sadat's assassination, left Begin's government nearly surrounded by enemies, and too few resources for dealing with them. Iran's SAVAK (the National Intelligence Organization) had long done much dirty work for the Mossad and CIA, its joint creators, and they had reciprocated in kind, but their joint operations were ultimately its undoing when the young mllahs it had recruited turned on the Shah.

As a result, Israel had to increasingly do its own dirty work - what it had only seriously done before in reaction to the killing at its Olympic athletes at the Munich Games in 1972 .The Mossad had Said Hammami, the PLO's London representative, shot dead by agents of Abu Nidal's Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine in January 1978 when it feared that he, an Arab moderate, was attempting to negotiate a peace deal with the Israelis for Arafat.

"The conflict had made little progress ten years later," Tony Geraghty added in The Bullet Catchers, "when Afarfat's military commander, Abu Jihad (real name, Khalil al-Wariz) was assassinated with military precision at his villa near Tunis, probably by agents of Israel's secret service, Mossad." (p. 376).

During the interim, Nidal's terrorist group had seen to the highjacking of the Italian liner Achille Lauro, the assassination of Jewish invalid passenger Leon Klinghoffer, and the shooting up of the airports in Rome and Vienna during the terrorist countdown to the shooting of Sweden's statsminister Olof Palme in Stockholm on February 28, 1986 - what was intended to trigger a solution to all the problems the West and Israel faced with a non-nuclear conclusion to the Cold War with the USSR.

Rabin's forcing Washington to approve any arms shipments to Iran before they occurred proved most helpful to Tel Aviv when the fallout from Iran-Contra was occurring. The various investigations of the scandal, especially the Tower Commission, believed McFarlane's testimony about which came first. "The accumulated evidence," Cannon concluded, "did show that Reagan had given prior approval." As a result, former head of the Israeli Air Force, and current Israeli businessman Al Schwimmer had to take personal responsibility for trying to sneak 80 HAWK missiles through Sweden on November 17th without statsminister Olof Palme's approval, beginning the whole massive scandal which resulted in his assassination along the way,

Rabin while he was in New York had even called McFarlane earlier in November while he was in Geneva where Reagan and Gorbachev were to meet for the first time to make sure that he obtained Palme's permission for using Sweden for the weapons transfer. "Rabin had asked for help in arranging for an Israeli shipment of Hawk missiles to pass through a third country and be transferred to non-Israeli planes for delivery to Iran. McFarlane had directed Oliver North, who was in Washington, to attend to the matter." (Lawrence Wash, Firewall: The Iran-Contra Conspiracy and Cover-Up, p. 39)

When Rabin proved unable to crush the Intifada, and the Soviet bloc and Union collapsed in a peaceful way, Rabin easily replaced Shimon Peres as Labor Party leader in its election in February 1992. The result was hardly surprising as the former Prime Minister aka "Mister Loser" had been working behind Rabin's back with Ollie North's people so that the arms shipments would go ahead no matter what he wanted, and Palme demanded, as all the American investigations had indicated. (For more, see Walsh, p.37ff.) In the surprising victory, Peres was made a most dangerous enemy, a leader who was more interested in making sure Rabin failed somehow rather than succeeded.

Thanks to Rabin's convincining Knesset victory in the July 1992 election, he set about implementing his mandate for a permanent peace with the Palestinians - what Washington outsider Bill Clinton, just elected President, was most eager to achieve.

Upon becoming Premier, Rabin ordered Israel's General Security Service, Shin Bet, to focus its activities on the right-wingers opposed to any settlement, and appointed close associate, Karmi Gillon, its director general - instead of the veteran and more qualified Gideon Ezra - to carry out the mission which Gillon himself had pointed out the need of. Several senior Shin Bet people quit in protest over the new mission. "This policy change resulted in the most dangerous and bitter split ever in Israeli society," Uri Dan and Dennis Eisenberg wrote in "A slanderous tongue." Rabin thought it was necessary if there was to be any hope of making the dream of peace a reality.

Once the Olso Accords had been agreed to, and Rabin, Peres, and Arafat received the 1994 Nobel Peace Prize, its prospects deteriorated as suicide bombers continued to kill Israelis, and Orthodox rabbis started a most threatening campaign against Rabin's leadership. Peres helped set up Rabin as the prime cause of the trouble by making him make the symbolic handshake with PLO leader Arafat at the signing of the agreement in Oslo.

They revived two obsolete halachic precepts from the Talmud - the din rodef (the duty to kill Jews who imperil other Jews), and the din moser (the duty to kill Jews who threaten to turn in other Jews to non-Jewish authorities). Religious law student Yigal Amir soon became acquainted with these precepts while attending Bar-Ilan University. The precepts were soon being used against Rabin who had claimed during the 1992 election campaign that he would never negotiate with Arafat - what Yossi Beilin had met the PLO's Abu Mazen in secret in May to work out the details of. Because of Rabin's actions in the Altalena Affair, right-wingers like Ben Shapiro were so clamoring that he was no hero at all since he had seen to the killing to his fellow Jews then, and was leaving others to fall into the hands of foreign authorities now.

To stem the anti-Rabin tide, Gillon, it seems, hired agent proocateurs, particularly Avishai Raviv. They created hostile groups like Eyal, composed of angry settlers and right-wingers, to denounce and protest his policies in an increasingly violent way. Reminiscent of the campaign against Olof Palme, they called Rabin a traitor, and a Nazi. The protesters cursed the Premier outside his apartment in Ramat Aviv, and Eyal teenagers produced a video, calling for a military coup. When an Arab was murdered in Halhoul by persons wearing IDF uniforms, Raviv claimed that members of Eyal had done it, though, it turned out after Rabin's assassination that Arab thieves had done it.

Rabin's cabinet, especially Minister of Agricultuire Ya'acov Tzur, still believed the deception, complaining bitterly when there were no arrests for the killing.

On October 5, 1995, there was a mass protest by the right-wingers at Zion Square, attended by Rabin's apparent assassin. During the demonostration, a poster was raised on which Rabin's face was pasted over the figure of Heinrich Himmler - what had been made originally by Raviv and Amir at a Eyal summer camp on the Kinneret. Amir responded to the sight thus: "Because of this dog, this country is going to be destroyed." When Amir noted TV cameras recording the scene, he said: "Instead of fliming, will you come to the funeral? Will you come to the funeral tomorrow?" Then, Binyamin Netanyahu told the crowd being observed by guests including Sharon: "Rabin is a dog - In blood and fire we'll drive Rabin out - will bring the government down."

Then the group marched on the Knesset during which they attacked Rabin's empty limousine without any response by security people. Then it attacked Housing Minister Binyamin Ben-Eliezar in his car, threatening to kill him. Once he escaped harm, he charged after Netanyahu, exclaiming: "The settlers have gone crazy, and someone will be murdered here, if not today, then in another week or another month."

It was 30 days later, on November 4th, that Rabin was assassinated after Amir had fired blanks in a fake attempt to rally public support when it failed, as he went to his limousine after addressing the peace rally, while his bodyguards once again looked helplessly on. Once in the limoince, Rabin was shot twice by covert operators, dying on the way to the hospital. It was a case of hijacking the scene that the Prime Minister had made up in order to dispose of him without any serious blowback, at least not until Shimon Peres dies.

Thanks to Gillon's deceptive campaign, as the Shamgar Commission investigating the assassination duly recorded, but was prevented from releasing the damaging details of, it was a case of 'mirror-imaging' which had completely confused his security detail about the dire threat of. The most daming evidence about a double-agent operation having gone horribly wrong was the admission that Raviv had urged Amir to kill Rabin to prove his manhood - what Amir achieved after shooting the blanks when he told police: "Do your work. I've done mine."

Gulf Of Mexico: Oil And Corexit Is Killing Everything In Its Path! Photos

2011-06-09T14:40:00.000+01:00

Aquariusnation.com
June 8th, 2011

The pictures speak for themselves…

photo by Laurel Lockamy

photo by Lori Deangelis

Auschwitz Entrance Sign Theft: A Mossad 'Sleeper Cell' Fiasco?

2011-06-06T16:30:00.001+01:00

by Trowbridge H. Ford

In today's ongoing world war by subterfuge, misdirection, and stealth, 'false flag' operations are still one of the leading favorites, especially by lesser powers, as they cost little, and carry only slight risks while promising considerable rewards. Their best source is some real or assumed grievance which has resonance with the world at large, like Madrid's apparent sinking of the USS Maine while it was on a good will mission to Cuba during the final days of the Spanish empire - what sparked the Spanish-American war. It put the apparent culprits of a very heinous action in an almost untenable position by, it seems, requiring them to prove that they were not guilty of actions that they seemingly committed. It's like asking a person to prove that he or she is innocent of some terrible felony. While major powers do not usually engage in them as they have enough visible means of power to get done what is wanted or required, lesser ones, especially those like Teddy Roosevelt's imperial-minded America, are their usual practitioners.

The most common 'false flag' operation is the assassination of a figure who is proving a great thorn in the side which commits it, though making it look like it was done by others or self-inflicted. The political assassinations which come to mind are those of troublemakers like Serbia's Zoran Djindjic who sent war criminal Slobodan Milosevic to The Hague - what threatened others like Israel's Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and his cohorts, especially the Mossad Director Meir Dagan, to a similar fate. Britain's WMD Dr. David Kelly and Sweden Foreign Minister Anna Lindh were also assassinated because they threatened the whole neocon re-designing of the Middle East to suit Israel's essential interests. Kelly threatened to expose the whole, fraudulent basis of the exercise, and Lindh vigorously supported an EU agenda which promised to punish Tel Aviv most seriously for what it was engaged in. Then there were political murders of Holland's Pim Fortuyn and Austria's Jörg Haider because they promoted a much more conservative, inward-looking agenda for the European Union. Even New Zealand's former Labour Prime Minister Helen Clark was under the gun because of her wanting to have the Anzac countries opt out of what the Israelis wanted.

These murderous acts should not blind one to others which can accomplish similar results by more conventional means. In Israeli's case, the activities which most readily come to mind are the continuous exploitation of the atrocities committed during The Holocaust, starting over 70 years ago. While one would expect the tragedy to be less often exploited as time passed, it has become more often used because of the increasingly difficult position Israel is placed in. The last, pathetic participants in it are

being hunted down while laws are being enforced which punish those who deny it - what well might soon become sanctions against those who allegedly even think it. And Israeli agents and supporters are increasingly trying to exploit what anti-semites say and do about The Holocaust while attempting to entrap other people who seemingly support such ideas by their attendance of conferences dealing with it, association with people known to be so, and just folks whose hobbies smack seemingly of supporting neo-Nazism. Of course, the Israeli government uses such experience as a pawn when other powers, especially the United States, want its support for some more traditional end.

The case which comes to mind in this regard is Israel's exploiting Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama's apparent dishonesty about the subject, seemingly inventing it when it suited his election chances. During the height of his campaign to get more benefits for disorientated veterans, he mentioned the mental disorder that his uncle, unlike his grandfather who was also fighting with George Patton's Third Army, had incurred while liberating Auschwitz from the Nazis. To help obtain more medical assistance for current troops who are suffering from post-taumatic stress disorder because of America's increasing wars, the Illinois Senator said to a 2008 Memorial Day celebration in Las Crucas, New Mexico that his uncle was so upset by what he witnessed at Auschwitz that when he returned to the States, he withdrew for six months into the attic of his house to recover from the horror.(1)

While these mistakes were soon corrected by the Obama campaign, they were seized upon by his worst critics, especially those who doubted the legality of his even holding the office. It turned out that this was another example of faulty memory to gain political support, especially amongst Jewish supporters, for what he thought all psychologically crippled veterans deserved but the Americans never reclaimed Auschwitz from the Nazis - the Soviets did in Poland- and it wasn't Obama's uncle, but one of his great uncles, Charles W. Payne, he was referring to. He had been a member of K Company of the 89th Infantry Divisions's 355th Regiment, recruited from Kansas. It helped George Patton's Third Army capture Buchenwald from the Germans. Still, the mistake was no big deal, soon forgotten by most of Obama's critics.(2)

Once he was elected, and had increased his political influence by being declared the Nobel Peace Laureate for 2009, he made a point of visiting the Buckenwald Concentration Camp on his way back from a tour of the increasingly unstable Middle East where his great-uncle had helped secure a part of it from the Germans. Accompanied by German Chanellor Angela Merkel, fellow Nobel Laureate Elie Wiesel, and Buchenwald survivor Bertrand Herz, the President made a most impassioned speech that the world should never again experience such evil against any people. In doing so, he made clear what his own family had actually done in helping stop The Holocaust.

The trip and its explanation only enticed extreme neo-Nazi and anti-semite James von Brunn to take drastic action five days later. He had been becoming more rabid in his ideas ever since he served in the US Navy during the closing stages of WWII in the Pacific as a PT-boat commander after joining Navy ROTC while going to college at St. Louis's Washington University. Von Brunn thought that he had fought on the wrong side during the war. He took out all his rage about it on Jews and blacks, claiming that they were gaining the benefits that real whites had made sacrifices for. He wrote a book for his enemies, entitled Kill the Best Gentiles. He predicted in 20 to 30 years, the country would be ruled by blacks, and the media would be owned by the money-grabbing Jews. On the 40th anniversary of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, he attempted to make a citizens arrest of the Federal Reserve's board of directors, including Director Paul Volker, while armed with a handgun, claiming that it was just helping the enemies of the white man - what he served six and a half in federal prison for. During the rest of the 20th century, he earned his way by distributing the Liberty Lobby's Spotlight, the infamous white suprematist publication while living in Annapolis, Maryland.

After 9/11, von Brunn became even more paranoid in his attacks, claiming on his website www.holywestern.empire.org that it was simply an "inside job" to help Jews in the West, and Israelis in the Middle East. He even joined the 9/11 Truth Movement, and when Obama started pulling away from the Democratic pack in the 2008 presidential campaign, he became a Birther, the group which contests his claim of having been born in the United States. When Obama became President, von Brunn espoused the same anti-semitism and hatred of Jews which JewHate.com became so noted for that opponents tried to get Google from posting its URL. It has been suspected by many that JewHate had Israeli backing as it helped divide people to extremes on questions pertaining to them. If it didn't have Mossad support then, von Brunn would soon make it so.

No sooner did von Brunn hear what he considered self-serving propaganda in the black President's Buchenwald speech than he decided to end his own life. "with his boots on", against those who were exploiting what mainly whites had allegedly done for America since WWII. A neighbor even noticed how he had become even more outspoken, and committed to a violent showdown after the speech. On June 10th, von Brunn walked into the U. S Holocaust Memorial Museun in Washington with his rifle blazing, killing black security guard Stephen T. Johns while being criticially wounded by others in the process. While it seemed that von Brunn had gotten his wish in the shootout, he managed somehow to survive being shot in the face, and the Mossad seems to have gotten its wish - i. e., this rabid, anti-semitic, white suprematist being tried for his life during which his extreme views and experience would have even the most extreme Zionist wanting nothing more. It was so convenient for Israel's supporters and the President's opponents that he was called upon to reassure Jews about their security..The assault seems to have been the source of Mossad

Director Meir Dagan's most belated, parting gift from office to Israel.

The only trouble with the arrangement is that von Brunn surprisingly developed a deadly illness while in the federal correctional institution at Butner, North Carolina just before his trial was to begin. In November, he was taken to the Watauga Medical Center in nearby Boone with such physical problems that the prison's medical facilities could not cope with them. He seems to have been poisoned with something like minute doses of arsenic or hemlock, and by the time when was taken to the state hospital, he was in a terminal, incredibly painful condition, dying on January 6, 2010. His death was the last thing the Mossad wanted, leading one to suspect that at Butner he had been conveniently killed by personnel in either their public or private capacity. It seems more likely the former as his federally-appointed lawyer, M. J. Kramer, neither knew nor cared about the cause of his demise, and the circumstances during which it occurred. An autopsy was not performed on his body.

In light of Obama's apparent political expediency in dealing with such serious matters regarding The Holocaust, it was hardly surprising that Dagan took steps to exploit any recurrence of such failings in future. The covert operator - known for his ability to create conditions, or anticipate ones which served his purposes - moved immediately to make up for the policy vacuum that von Brunn's unanticipated demise had created. What better substitute for a vile denier of The Holocaust than an assault on the place best known for the genocide itself - Auschwitz! And what better represented it than the entrance gate sign which announced that work would make its entrants free ("Arbeit Macht Frei") when, in fact, its promised all their demise. Well over 1,000,000 men, women, and children, almost all Jews, were exterminated at its three camps, the largest that the Nazis maintained.

The Israeli secret intelligence service certainly had the human and physical assets for such a mission. It could easily put together of body of people who could steal the sign, and see that it was taken wherever the Mossad wanted. A sleeper cell - led by the right handler, dupes who had been recruited for various false or illegal reasons, and just plaim criminals who had been hired for just another hesit - could easily steal the sign, hide it until transport was arranged to take it out of Poland, and then take it to a neo-Nazi who wanted such memorabilia or seemed to want it, the more likely possibility. A 'false flag' operation of this sort was just what the circumstances called for. The problems would center on getting the sign out of Poland, and to a likely buyer who would be identified to the proper authorities before he realized what was going on.

The easiet of these concerns is setting up an unsuspecting victim, as I learned when I was going to graduate school. During WWII, my father was a division artillery commander during the assault on Nazi Germany, and after it capitulated, he brought back to the States all kinds of Nazi memorabilia as trophies, and they were lying around our summer house for years. One day my mother decided to liven up the rooms by putting Nazi flags up for curtains in one of them, and they were still there when I brought my girl friend down to meet the folks. She, a militant anti-Nazi, went bananas when she saw the curtains, and no amount of explaining could undo the damage. She decided that we, especially me, were closet Nazis, and that was really the end of the affair. Just show an interest in such things and you will be judged a neo-Nazi no matter what the circumstances, and your protestations.

In this case, the Mossad had many possible targets for such a set-up if it could only get the sign to them. It could easily be cut up into pieces, and shipped as just some artistic metal work to some unsuspecting target. An ideal target had just become Marc Garlasco, a Human Rights Watch military investigator who specialized in the crimes surrounding the Palestinian question. A former Pentagon official, he was increasingly demonized by supporters of Israel, especially Omri Ceren who had just updated his criticism of him. Ceren could just not believe that Garlasco's criticisms, particularly of Tel Aviv, could not be connected to his obsessive collections and publications about Naiz memorabilia, especially that of the Luftwaffe.(3) The biggest problem was just getting the entrance sign somehow to him.

In southern Sweden, the Mossad apparemtly persuaded a converted neo-Nazi Anders Högström to help arrange the transport of the theft, believing that real neo-Nazis like Swedish millionaire Lars Göran Wahlström wanted it, and that it was in Israeli interests to infiltrate and catch the culprit. Högström's family has an estate in Bleklinge in southern Sweden and a house here in Lidingö, and quit the National Socialist Front in 1999 because of its criminal acts against opponents, especially the assassination of trade unionist Björn Söderberg, forming a group called Exit to help others escape from the cluthes of National Socialism. Högstrom believed that Wahlström had been reporonsible for Söderberg's killing because he had caused the firing of neo-Nazi Robert Vesterlund from the trade union Sveriges Arbeteras Centralorganisation's newspaper Arbetaren because of his subversive allegiances, and thought that the Israeli set-up would be proper punishment for Wahlström.

On Friday, December 17, 2009, a team of five men cut down the entrance sign at Auschwitz, cut it up, and hid it nearby in southern Poland, awaiting instructions from Högström, it seems, about when and where to move them. He was totally surprised by the delay, believing that they would be already on their way to Sweden to entrap Wahlström where they would be surprisingly delivered to his Skåne doorstep, the police waiting nearby to recover them, and nab him. The theft was allegedly being used to help fund neo-Nazi attacks, especially on Sweden's Riksdag.(4)

Högström seems then to have been told that the sign pieces were to be shipped out of an airport in lower Poland on a Corendon airliner, a Turkish carrier, and the sign pieces should be addressed to one Thomas Salme. Airports in Lódz. Krakow, and Katowice are a long way from Sweden, and they did not have scheduled flights to places like Sweden. In short, Högström was convicted that the plan had been changed, and he was being set-up for the crime, resulting in his informing the Swedish police of where the sign had been hidden, and Salme's role in the process, though he, perhaps, had not idea of who he really was.

The Swedish authorities informed the Polish ones where they could recover the sign pieces, but were panicked by Högström's claim that Salme was involved, as its Transport Authority (TA) knew all too well about the former Royal Swedish Air Force fighter pilot who had been flying for 13 years with a recently forged Airline Transport Pilot License (ATPL) - what captains of multi-engined, passenger jets must obtain. Salme only had his military experience, and a long-expired Commercial Pilot License. He had left the service when it was vastly slimming down during the 1990s, and had joined civilian carriers when they were rapidily expanding with few questions asked of its applicants. He joined the Italian carrier Air One shortly after its first full year of operation in 1996, thanks to his having flown Boeing C-130s during his time in service. It had the same avionics as Air One's Boeing 737s which all the airlines Salme flew with had.

Then it was just a question of flying enough hours to maintain his active status, and undergoing any periodic test required - what seemed most unlikely, given his flying cargo assignments. A few years later, he transferred to the English cargo carrier, Channel Express, in the Midlands, and stayed with it until it was taken over by Jet-2 and wound down the cargo business. Then Salme flew tourist flights for Apollo Airlines to places around the Mediterranean, especially Greece, and then did the same thing for Air Sweden, an airline so unobservant of EU rules about operating in the Community that the Swedish Transport Agency is trying to force its closure - what its experience with Salme might well have had something to do with. It had tried to stop Salme in 2007 because of his lack of proper qualifications. But he had left the carrier and the country by then, settling in Milan, and starting to work for Corendon - a tourist agency run one, working out of Amsterdam's Schiphol Airport - and the TA just forgot about it all. Salme's secrets about flying might well have been the cause of his, it seems, being blackmailed into the plot.

Högström's tipoffs, of course, sent Polish, Swedish, and Dutch authorities into absolute tizzies. Warsaw, while most happy to have retrieved the terrible sign, was most desirous too of getting its hands on him so the whole fiasco could be quickly quashed. They even claimed that the sign had been recovered at the other end of the country when it was found near Auschwitz.(5) Stockholm, while pleased at having located where the sign had been hidden, was most opposed to any revelations about how it was tipped off, particularly what Högström had said about Salme. In fact, it wanted to dispose of Salme's difficulties before ever really admitting that it was taking the case against Högström seriously, as the police only mounted his heavy arrest here in Lidingö at his family home after two months as if he were a fugitive on the run. The Dutch wanted to take steps to prevent damaging blowback when Salme was finally outed so as to limit injury to the airline, its tourist industry, or its authorities. It especially wanted it to appear that the only problem was Salme's apparent lack of an ATPL - what it conveniently managed to overcome when it replaced him in the cockpit with a qualified captain without any delay in a flight to Turkey when he was finally outed on March 3rd.(6)

By this time, the Mossad had well mended its reputation, having an all-Israeli covert operation take out Hamas leader Mahmoud Al Mabhouh when he visited Dubai in mid-January 2010. (7) Meir Dagan was not going to go out on such a sour note where Swedish, Polish, and Dutch second-thoughts and dithering led to such a fiasco, one which is still unfolding. This time, the Mossad operation was a classic, though most belated, eye-for-an-eye one. It replaced public interest in what had happened to the Auschwitz sign. While Högström was finally prosecuted in Krakow, and sentenced to 32 months in prison, provided it would be served in Sweden, Stockholm was continuing to make light of Salme's failures, having the publishers Norstedt's contract his autobiography, 13 Years in Heaven, which the established reporter Stefan Lovgren is helping him with. Norstedt's published Steig Larssons' World of Millennium which has sold welll over 50,000,000 copies worldwide.

Not bad to end up being associated with such writers rather than in the company of just jailbirds, like Högström!.

References:

1. http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-502443_162-4127479-502443.html

2. For more, see: http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2009/06/01/obamas-great-uncle-says-president-visiting-military-camp-site-political/

3. For more, see: http://www.mererhetoric.com/2009//08/marc-garlasco-is-hrws-anti-Israel-investigator-a-nazi-obsessed-collector/

4 For more, see: http://www.digitaljournal/article/284804

5 http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/12/20/auschwitz-gate-sign-stoen_n_398775.html

6 For more about how he was discovered, and what he had been doing, see this link: http://www.thelocal.se/25330/20100303/

7 For more, see: http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,739908,00.html

Susan Lindauer – Warning: This Message Contains Democracy!

2011-06-03T09:49:00.001+01:00

The Intel Hub
By Susan Lindauer
June 2nd, 2011
No great civilization is ever destroyed from without, or conquered by external forces, until it first destroys itself from within. America’s leaders should have thought long and hard about that before voting to extend the Patriot Act last week.
Unhappily it’s official. We the People are the enemy. We have dared to prod and examine government policy too closely.
We have questioned government leadership when we should rightly have obeyed without challenge. Some of us have exposed wrongful government practices and deceptions, expecting to hold Congress and White House leaders accountable to voters. Foolish us!
Last week Congress set the record straight. Breaking campaign promises to defeat the Patriot Act, Congress blocked hearings and debate on amendments that would fix problems in surveillance rules, and rammed a four year extension on the American People. Only 31 Republicans and 122 Democrats voted against the Patriot Act in the House.
IMPORTING GESTAPO LAW
It’s no exaggeration, unfortunately, that the Patriot Act is more dangerous to our way of life than any foreign enemy.
Most ominously, entire sections of the Patriot Act are verbatim and identical to two of the most frightening laws in World History:
• The 1929 Bolshevik Communist Criminal Act established Communist control in the age of Joseph Stalin.
It created a security apparatchik unparalleled in its intrusion into the lives of ordinary, non-political families. For enforcement, it created the Gulags, which quickly filled with intellectuals and dissidents, poets and hard luck Russian people who got caught in the wrong place at the wrong time.
It was enough for a neighbor to point a finger secretly for that individual to disappear to the Siberian work camps for life. Secret charges, secret evidence, secret accusations figured prominently— identical to the Patriot Act.
• It’s a toss up if that’s worse than its commonality with Germany’s Enabling Act in 1933. Such comforting words, “the Enabling Act” established the legal framework for Nazi Fascism. The Enabling Law lay the parameters for the Third Reich of Adolph Hitler.
According to history buff, Alan Batterman, the German word for “Gestapo” is an acronym of GEheim STAdt POlezi.
Translation: “Homeland Security.”
Unhappily, for free thinking Americans, Batterman’s analysis is correct. Paragraph for paragraph, clause for clause, laws establishing fascist control over the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany are replicated in the Patriot Act today.
Like the iron fist of the Nazis and Communists, Americans must submit to “roving surveillance” and warrantless searches, without the requirement of a Judge’s authorization. Surveillance laws are part of a larger arsenal of weapons against political dissidents and whistle blowers.
Most Americans don’t know the Patriot Act authorizes secret charges relying on secret evidence and secret grand jury statements. Under the Patriot Act, Americans have no right to know who has accused them of what criminal activities, or the dates of the alleged offense.
They’re not even told what law was broken. The government has power to lock up Americans on military bases or other prisons without a hearing or trial. We can be detained indefinitely without any rights of due process at all.
Perhaps it’s fitting, therefore, that Nazi Leader, Herman Goering, should explain the New America to us, as we tread into this new age so dangerous to freedom:
“Voice or no voice, the people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is easy enough. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked, and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same in any country.”
Powerful words of warning, indeed.
Think it won’t come to that? It won’t happen? It already has.
That’s what they did to me—not because I plotted some terrorist conspiracy, but because I opposed the Iraqi War. And my knowledge of the truth posed a grave threat to their lies– about Iraq, 9/11, anti-terrorism overall.
Congress made up a story about the boogey man. And Congress likes that story. They think it gets them votes. (Perhaps they’re right.)
Legalizing Government Deception
Come to discover the Patriot Act has proven most valuable for legalizing government deceptions. When the government desires to hide from the people, the Patriot Act provides a framework for arresting those who know too much of the truth, and might expose government fraud and corruption. Leaders are thus protected from the consequences of their decision-making.
That’s what motivated the attack against me. In January, 2003, I took two actions that would perplex the Courts for five years, through two Presidential elections. First, in a warm hearted letter, I warned White House Chief of Staff Andrew Card, my second cousin, that War in Iraq would result in a catastrophic Occupation.
Secondly, a week before his big speech at the United Nations, I told Secretary of State Colin Powell that, as the Asset who handled preliminary talks on resuming the weapons inspections with senior Iraqi diplomats, I considered it most unlikely that Iraq possessed WMDs.
Worst of all, I told Secretary Powell that a comprehensive peace framework with Iraq, hammered out by the CIA, could accomplish all U.S. objectives, including democratic reforms, without sacrificing the life of a single American soldier or Iraqi child.
That was enough to make me Public Enemy Number One.
Think about it. What if the American people had learned that every goal could have been achieved in Iraq without sacrifice? A lot of White House officials and members of Congress (in both parties) would be out of a job.
Ah, now you see, those are the Americans who count under the Patriot Act! The law exists to protect the access of the elite. My arrest coincided with a White House decision to blame the unpopular war on “incompetent” Intelligence Assets. Congress liked that story.
They liked it very much. It kept them employed. And so I got arrested, accused of “incompetence” myself, and thrown in prison for a year, while the Justice Department argued for the right to detain me indefinitely.
Mercifully, Judge Michael Mukasey refused. But for one horrified Judge I would still be locked in prison on Carswell Air Force Base.
During the five years of my indictment, Congress complained bitterly that Assets like myself had not come forward to correct mistakes in the assumptions of their war planning. Both Party leaderships scorned the Intelligence Community.
They actively deceived Americans and the International Community. But so long as I was tied up on the Patriot Act, they were free to invent any story they wanted. That’s exactly what they did.
Enemies of Freedom
The enemies of freedom won this round. They beat us.. But Americans must understand that we cannot give up this fight to stop the Patriot Act. It cannot be over.
Yes, it’s Nazi Germany in the 1930s. They’re getting everything in place — They’re testing the waters with a few scattered arrests of activists and troublesome truth tellers here and there. Nobody has really protested, right? So far so good. It’s all in the open for anybody paying attention, but if you complain, they say you’re paranoid.
The fight is on! Congress might hope this is over, and we’ll “get over it.” But the threat to our freedom is so extreme that we must now wake out of our drifting slumber, or we will stay comatose through the end of the American Century. T
These Tea Partiers promised to defend freedom. They championed the Constitution when it was politically convenient, and abandoned the Constitution when they no longer needed public support to get elected.
Enough of us are vigilant that we can stop them— even now.
Really, this is a fight that we cannot lose. What Congress has forgot, we must remember. No great civilization is destroyed by external forces, until it first destroys itself.
Susan is a former Asset Covering Iraq and Libya, and the second non-Arab American Indicted on the Patriot Act.

Mystery helicopter claim over Dr David Kelly death

2011-05-16T10:58:00.003+01:00

Details released under the Freedom of Information Act reportedly disclose that the aircraft stayed on the ground for five minutes before leaving.

According to its flight log, the helicopter - said to have been hired by Thames Valley Police - landed at Harrowdown Hill in Oxfordshire at 10.55am on July 18 2003, 90 minutes after Dr Kelly's body was found by search teams.

The purpose of the flight and who was on board have not been established because details of the flight log have been heavily redacted, the Daily Mail reported.

Dr Andrew Watt, who has raised doubts about the circumstances around Dr Kelly's death, told the paper: "If the purpose of the helicopter flight was innocent, one has to ask why it was kept secret."

Today Thames Valley Police declined to comment on whether the force had hired the aircraft or the reasons behind doing so and why the flight log had apparently been redacted.

Full story...

Louise Holmes' Testimony Shows Kelly's Body Not Found At Harrowdown Hill

2011-05-16T09:37:00.000+01:00

Hearing

6
1 LORD HUTTON: Very well. Thank you very much indeed,
2 Dr Warner.
3 MR KNOX: My Lord, the next witness is Ms Holmes, please.
4 LORD HUTTON: Yes. Thank you.
5 MS LOUISE HOLMES (called)
6 Examined by MR KNOX
7 Q. Ms Holmes, could you tell the Inquiry your full name?
8 A. It is Louise Holmes.
9 Q. And your occupation?
10 A. I am a hearing dog trainer.
11 Q. Sorry?
12 A. I am a hearing dog trainer.
13 Q. For how long have you done that?
14 A. The past two years.
15 Q. And who are you employed by to do that job?
16 A. I am employed by the charity Hearing Dogs for Deaf
17 People.
18 Q. How much experience do you have of foot searches for
19 missing persons?
20 A. I have been a member of my local search and rescue team
21 for nearly two years now.
22 Q. On Friday 18th July did you go to Abingdon police
23 station?
24 A. I did, yes.
25 Q. At what sort of time did you go?

7
1 A. I arrived there around quarter past/half past 7.
2 Q. When you got there, what were you told?
3 A. I was given a briefing, the name of the person that we
4 were looking for, a description of what he was wearing
5 when he was last seen and I was given an area to go and
6 search.
7 Q. And who gave you this briefing?
8 A. It was done by a police officer and SEBEVs Control
9 manager, Neil Knight.
10 Q. Were you given a photograph of the person you were
11 looking for?
12 A. Yes, we were given a photograph and an A4 piece of paper
13 with the name and a description of the missing person on
14 it.
15 Q. Were you told anything about the person you were looking
16 for, in particular?
17 A. Nothing other than what we were told. We were not given
18 any other details. It was made -- it was mentioned it
19 would probably become clearer during the day that it was
20 somebody who was fairly important, but other than that
21 we were not -- I had no idea of who he was.
22 Q. And you were given the name, Dr Kelly; is that right?
23 A. Yes.
24 Q. And were you in fact aware of Dr Kelly, who he was,
25 before this or had you read about it in the press?

8
1 A. Not until after the search when somebody said: who is
2 this guy? And then I went: oh yes.
3 Q. Who was assisting you when you went on this search?
4 A. I had Paul Chapman with me and then my search dog,
5 because I was out searching with my dog.
6 Q. Your search dog was called Brock, I understand?
7 A. Brock, yes.
8 Q. What sort of a dog was he?
9 A. He is a border collie crossed with an Australian
10 shepherd.
11 Q. You were at the police station initially, then where do
12 you drive to?
13 A. We drove to the start of our search area, which was at
14 the bottom of Common Lane in Longworth.
15 Q. That is where you had been told to go by the police
16 initially?
17 A. Yes.
18 Q. You parked and got out of the car?
19 A. We parked the car at the bottom of the search area and
20 then started our search from where we had parked.
21 Q. About what time did you arrive at the search area?
22 A. It was about 8 o'clock.
23 Q. And what type of search was it that you were going to
24 do? Could you describe the method you were going to
25 have to adopt for this search?

9
1 A. Well, I was working with the search dog, so it was
2 a search with the dog and we did it purely as an air
3 scent exercise, so the dog is trained to pick up on
4 particles of human scent and then follow them to their
5 source.
6 Q. Who was on this search?
7 A. Me, the dog and Paul.
8 Q. No-one else had joined you?
9 A. No.
10 Q. And where did you initially go, after you got out of the
11 car? Can you remember?
12 A. We walked up the track that runs north, I am told, on my
13 map of Common Lane up towards the River Thames.
14 Q. Can you describe, generally, how the search went
15 initially? Where did you go?
16 A. We were given the track to search north up to the
17 River Thames as our boundary and the area of wood to the
18 left of the track. So we did the bottom half of the
19 track, the south boundary of the woods before we were
20 forced to turn back because of a bashed wire fence. So
21 we then searched through the bottom half of the woods
22 which the fence ran all the way through. We then came
23 back out on to the track, continued up the track to
24 the -- to where our boundary was, came back down the
25 track and did the north perimeter of the wood, and then

10
1 went into the wood from the north.
2 Q. Did you at any point go along the River Thames?
3 A. We went up to where we -- where our boundary of our
4 search area was on the Thames and spoke to some people
5 there who were just moored on a boat on the Thames.
6 Q. What did you say to them?
7 A. Well, Brock had found them because he obviously is just
8 trained to pick up on human scent, so he went off and
9 indicated on them and so I had a game with him as
10 a reward. They just said: what are you doing? We said
11 we were assisting the police in the search for a missing
12 male person and if they saw anything to contact the
13 police.
14 Q. Did they say they already had seen anything?
15 A. They said they had seen the helicopter up the previous
16 night but they had not seen anybody or anything other
17 than that.
18 Q. Did you eventually manage to get into the wooded area?
19 A. Yes.
20 Q. Can you remember roughly what point that was? Was that
21 from the north or the south?
22 A. We did the north boundary of the wood. The wind was
23 blowing south to north and Brock was scenting in towards
24 the woods. So we came around and came in from the east
25 side of the wood.

11
1 Q. Then are you still with Mr Chapman at that point?
2 A. Yes, Paul was with me.
3 Q. What happened once you got into the wood?
4 A. We went into the woods a little way and Brock started to
5 pick up -- he gets quite excited when he gets on to
6 something. And he went off at a quicker pace so
7 I quickened to try to keep up with him, and I just
8 carried on following him and letting him work the area
9 and followed on until he went so that he was nearly
10 almost completely out of my vision, but I could see his
11 tail wagging and he went into the bottom of a tree and
12 then came running back at me barking to indicate that he
13 had found something.
14 Q. How far into the wood, roughly, was this from the point
15 that you had actually mentioned to get in, a mile or
16 less than that?
17 A. No, probably only about 200 metres.
18 Q. Before Brock had found this person, had you noticed
19 anything unusual in the woods? Was there anything in
20 particular you had spotted?
21 A. No.
22 Q. Had Brock identified anything before that?
23 A. Nothing, no.
24 Q. When Brock comes running back towards you, what do you
25 then do?

12
1 A. He is trained that when he comes back when he has found
2 something he will come back and bark at me, and then
3 I just say: show me. He is trained he will turn round
4 and go back and lead me straight back into what it is
5 that he has found. But he came back and he was barking,
6 so I just said: good boy, where is it? He just sort of
7 laid down and looked at me, at which point I thought: oh
8 okay, he has found something but there is something
9 obviously not quite the same as a normal search or
10 a normal training exercise. So I just went from the
11 direction of which he had come until I got first visual
12 on the body.
13 Q. So in other words you walked ahead in that case?
14 A. Yes.
15 Q. Presumably Brock followed along afterwards?
16 A. He did not actually, he stayed sitting where he was.
17 Q. What did you see?
18 A. I could see a body slumped against the bottom of a tree,
19 so I turned around and shouted to Paul to ring Control
20 and tell them that we had found something and then went
21 closer to just see whether there was any first aid that
22 I needed to administer.
23 Q. And how close up to the body did you go?
24 A. Within sort of a few feet of the body.
25 Q. And did you notice anything about the position of the

13
1 body?
2 A. He was at the base of the tree with almost his head and
3 his shoulders just slumped back against the tree.
4 Q. And what about his legs and arms? Where were they?
5 A. His legs were straight in front of him. His right arm
6 was to the side of him. His left arm had a lot of blood
7 on it and was bent back in a funny position.
8 Q. Did you see any blood anywhere else?
9 A. Just on the left arm and the left side.
10 Q. Could you tell whether or not this was the person you
11 had been asked to look for?
12 A. Yes, the person matched the description that we had been
13 given.
14 Q. And could you tell whether he was alive or dead?
15 A. As far as I -- I was happy in my own mind that he was
16 dead and that there was nothing that I could do to help
17 him.
18 Q. What about Mr Chapman, he was obviously with you at this
19 point, I take it?
20 A. He was further back than I was.
21 Q. He was further back when you first saw the body?
22 A. Yes, and he stayed there to ring Control while I went to
23 check whether there was ...
24 Q. How long did you spend looking at the body before you
25 went back?

14
1 A. Probably only a couple of minutes, if even that. Just
2 enough to check for any signs of life, make myself happy
3 that there was none and that there was nothing I could
4 do; and then I went to go and reward my dog for his
5 find.
6 Q. I take it you did not actually go up to the body itself
7 and feel the pulse?
8 A. I did not touch it, no.
9 Q. And when you went back to Mr Chapman, which path did you
10 take?
11 A. I walked as best as I could back out the path I walked
12 in.
13 Q. I take it from that there was a specific path you had
14 walked in; was it actually a track?
15 A. No, there were no tracks in the wooded area we were
16 searching, no definite tracks anyway.
17 Q. Were there any tracks, as it were, around the wooded
18 area you were able to see, where the body was, or had
19 the person obviously walked in through the woods?
20 A. Not that I remember seeing, but ...
21 Q. When you got back to Mr Chapman, what happened next?
22 A. Paul had tried to ring Control but had been unable to
23 get to them on the number we had for Control so we
24 decided to ring through to ask to speak to Abingdon off
25 a 999 call. So Paul rang the 999 and said we had some

15
1 information relating to that search, and somebody from
2 Abingdon rang us back and we arranged to walk back to
3 the car to meet the police officer to take them and show
4 them where the body was.
5 Q. When you say someone from Abingdon, would that be
6 Abingdon hospital?
7 A. Abingdon police station.
8 Q. And what did you then do?
9 A. We walked back towards the car. On the way to the car
10 we met three police officers and Paul took them back to
11 show them where the body was, and I went back to the
12 car.
13 Q. Did you meet the police officers in the woods or after
14 you got out of the woods?
15 A. No, on the track, just between the woods and the car.
16 Q. What did you tell the police officers?
17 A. They identified to us who they were. We said who we
18 were and we were involved in the search and we had found
19 the body, and they went with Paul to see.
20 Q. So in other words, Paul Chapman goes back with the
21 police to show them where the body is?
22 A. Yes.
23 Q. What did you do?
24 A. I went back to the car to sort the dog out and then when
25 I got to the car further police officers and personnel

16
1 came up to the car to take over, take over the scene.
2 Q. Did you then go back to the scene at all?
3 A. No.
4 Q. So you presumably drove back?
5 A. Yes, I was around about my car and car area for a while;
6 and then I was taken back to Abingdon police station to
7 give a statement.
8 Q. Did you have to wear any special clothes or special
9 shoes or anything?
10 A. I just wore my normal walking shoes, trousers.
11 Q. Did you hand in any of your clothes or shoes?
12 A. A print was taken of my shoes but they did not retain my
13 shoes, they just took a copy of the soles.
14 Q. The print was taken by the police, I take it?
15 A. Yes.
16 Q. Is there anything else you would like to tell this
17 Inquiry about the circumstances of Dr Kelly's death or
18 indeed the circumstances in which you found his body?
19 A. No, I do not think so.
20 LORD HUTTON: Thank you very much indeed, Ms Holmes. Thank
21 you.
22 Mr Dingemans, I understand that Mr Chapman is going
23 to give evidence. Would he like to give evidence from
24 where he is sitting?
25 MR DINGEMANS: I think Mr Chapman wants to go into the

17
1 witness box, my Lord, but he has broken his leg so it
2 will take a bit of time to get there.
3 LORD HUTTON: Very well, I will just rise.
4 (11.00 am)
13 A. Initial search was we progressed north up the path,
14 Brock ahead of us searching and us searching, checking
15 the ditches either side and the pathway, until we
16 reached the southern perimeter of Harrowdown Hill wood.
17 We then entered the field by the wood, did a search of
18 the southern perimeter of the wood until we reached
19 a barrier, the barbed wire fence halfway round the other
20 side.
21 Q. Did you climb over the fence?
22 A. No, we decided not to. We decided to retrace our steps
23 round the wood back to the main path so we knew on the
24 map where we were and what areas we had covered.
25 Q. While you were searching up to the barrier, had you seen

21
1 anyone at this stage?
2 A. No.
3 Q. Or heard anything?
4 A. No, nothing at all.
5 Q. You hit the barrier then retrace your steps.
6 A. We retraced our steps and entered the southern side of
7 the wood and had a look through the inside of the wood,
8 where it was slightly more open.
9 Q. Could you see anything?
10 A. Could not see anything. There was the barbed wire fence
11 running the whole way through the woods, so that formed
12 our natural barrier within the wood.
13 Q. How large was the wood?
14 A. 50 to 100 metres across, roughly.
15 Q. Did you walk into the wood?
16 A. We did, yes.
17 Q. Up to the barbed wire in the wood?
18 A. Up to the barbed wire, yes.
19 Q. Where was the dog at this stage?
20 A. The dog was ranging from 5, 10, 15 metres ahead of us,
21 running in and out of the bushes and the areas. We were
22 just following that. There were no paths or anything so
23 we were having to climb across trees and go round all
24 the bushes and things.
25 Q. Did you come across anything?

22
1 A. Nothing in the southern area, no.
2 Q. Having searched the southern area of the wood, what did
3 you do then?
4 A. We returned to the main path, consulted with each other,
5 looked at the map and decided we would do the rest of
6 the pathway down to the river and get that eliminated,
7 and then come back and do the rest of the wood.
8 Q. Did you do the rest of the pathway down to the river?
9 A. Yes, we walked all the way down the pathway, which came
10 out to a gate just by the River Thames.
11 Q. Did you see anyone on that search?
12 A. Not until we reached the river and we met the people on
13 the boat.
14 Q. How many people were on the boat?
15 A. Either three or four, I cannot remember.
16 Q. Did you speak to them?
17 A. Yes, we did.
18 Q. What did you say to them?
19 A. They enquired what we were doing. We explained a search
20 team assisting the police, looking for a missing person,
21 and gave them a rough description of his age and said if
22 they saw anything could they contact the police.
23 Q. Had they seen anything?
24 A. They had heard the helicopter and seen some police
25 officers at some point previously.

23
1 Q. Right. What, police officers on an earlier part of the
2 search?
3 A. Yes.
4 Q. But they had not seen Dr Kelly at all?
5 A. No.
6 Q. After you had gone down to the river, spoken to them,
7 where do you go next?
8 A. We retraced our steps back up the pathway until we
9 reached the wood, came off the pathway and did the
10 northern perimeter of the wood until we came to the
11 other side of the barbed wire fence.
12 Q. You went back into the wood itself?
13 A. Initially no, we did the outside of the wood.
14 Q. Looking into the wood?
15 A. Looking into the wood. But it was quite dense
16 undergrowth so a lot of places you could not actually
17 get in through the perimeter there, but we were checking
18 the wood.
19 Q. When you could get through a gap did you get into the
20 wood itself?
21 A. We did not enter the wood there until we returned back
22 to the main path.
23 Q. Where was the dog at this stage?
24 A. The dog was running around, like I say, just ahead of
25 us. We were keeping back so we do not affect its scent

24
1 and smell.
2 Q. How long did it take to do the northern part of the
3 wood?
4 A. A guess, about 10 or 15 minutes.
5 Q. Did anything happen while you were doing the northern
6 part of the wood?
7 A. Nothing. Did not find anything. There were no
8 indications from the dog either.
9 Q. Where do you go after that?
10 A. Once we reached the barbed wire fence we retraced our
11 steps to the main path, again walking down the side of
12 the wood where it is much more open. We then entered
13 the wood after another 10 or 15 metres, and walked into
14 the wood from there.
15 Q. What part of the wood are you now looking at?
16 A. We are in the northern sector of the wood.
17 Q. Right. And does anything happen here?
18 A. After about five minutes the dog indicates a find and
19 Louise --
20 Q. Where were you? Were you on the outside of the wood?
21 A. I was in the wood about five metres behind Louise.
22 Q. What happened to the dog?
23 A. The dog was ahead, I could hardly see the dog at that
24 point. I was just following up the hill and Louise then
25 said -- indicated -- said he had found something and she

25
1 went forward to investigate, whereas I waited there.
2 Q. So you did not move at this stage?
3 A. No, I waited there, as we are trained to do in case it
4 is a scenes of crime or anything, so we do not
5 contaminate it.
6 Q. To avoid trampling down?
7 A. Yes, in case there is evidence or anything like that.
8 Q. Louise went up and looked. She came back?
9 A. She came back towards me.
10 Q. What did she say?
11 A. Yes, she told me we had found the missing person and at
12 that point I tried to contact our Control to let them
13 know.
14 Q. Did you get through to Control?
15 A. We did not on the mobiles, no, because the mobiles were
16 all to answerphone.
17 Q. So how did you contact anyone?
18 A. I then rang 999 and asked to be put through to Abingdon
19 police station. They could not transfer me so I asked
20 them to get someone at Abingdon police station to call
21 me urgently.
22 Q. On your mobile?
23 A. On my mobile, yes.
24 Q. Did they call back?
25 A. They called back within a couple of minutes, yes.

26
1 Q. Do you remember who you spoke to?
2 A. I do not. He just said it was a sergeant at Abingdon
3 police station.
4 Q. What did you report to him?
5 A. I reported who I was, a member of the search team, and
6 we had found the missing person, could they please then
7 speak to the search manager and the search police
8 officers there and get them to give me a ring.
9 Q. Did they?
10 A. Yes, they did. They called me back straight after that.
11 Q. What arrangements did you make?
12 A. At that point we were walking back down the path towards
13 the car and they said: keep going there and we will send
14 some police officers out to meet you there, back at your
15 car, Louise's car.
16 Q. Were you standing still in the wood all this time?
17 A. Initially, yes, but then we began walking out of the
18 wood back to the path because we realised that we would
19 have to go and meet the officers, and it was about
20 a 10 minute walk back to the car down the path so we
21 thought it is easiest to get going.
22 Q. Did you see what Brock the dog had found?
23 A. Yes.
24 Q. And what was that?
25 A. The body of a gentleman sitting up against a tree.

27
1 Q. And can you recall what he was wearing?
2 A. All I could see from the distance I got was he was
3 wearing a dark jacket and light coloured shirt.
4 Q. And how close did you get to the body?
5 A. I probably reached about 15 to 20 metres from it.
6 Q. Could you see anything at all?
7 A. He was sitting with his back up against a tree and there
8 was an obvious injury to his left arm.
9 Q. An obvious injury to his left arm. What was that
10 injury?
11 A. In as far as it was all covered in blood.
12 Q. Right. After you had seen that, where did you go next?
13 A. We retraced our steps back down to the main path and
14 then walked back south along the path to where the car
15 was parked.
16 Q. Did the police attend?
17 A. Yes, they did.
18 Q. And did you help them when they had arrived?
19 A. Yes. As we were going down the path we met three police
20 officers coming the other way that were from CID. We
21 identified ourselves to them. They were not actually
22 aware that (a) the body had been found or we were out
23 searching this area. They I think had just come out on
24 their own initiative to look at the area. I informed
25 them we had found the body and they asked me to take

28
1 them back to indicate where it was.
2 Q. So these were not the people you had arranged to meet,
3 as it were?
4 A. No, because this was only 2 or 3 minutes after I had
5 made the phone call.
6 Q. How did you know they were police officers?
7 A. Because they showed me their Thames Valley Police
8 identification.
9 Q. Do you recall their names?
10 A. Only one of them was DC Coe.
11 Q. Did you show them the body?
12 A. Yes. We walked back up the hill with the three of them
13 and then they decided as they got a bit closer to the
14 edge of the wood that I needed only to take one of the
15 officers in, so I took DC Coe in to show him where the
16 body was.
17 Q. What were you wearing at the time?
18 A. I was wearing my standard search kit, walking boots,
19 outdoor trousers, our uniform polo shirts.
20 Q. Did you need to give anything to the police?
21 A. All they did was take a copy of the soles of my boots.
22 Q. Right. After that, what happened?
23 A. Once we had shown them where the body was, we returned
24 to the car. More police officers had arrived there. We
25 waited around a while until we were released from the

29
1 scene, where we went back with one of the police
2 officers to Abingdon police station where we made our
3 statements.
4 Q. You made your statement and then go off to work?
5 A. It was mid afternoon by the time we had finished there.
6 I actually had a day off as I was going away to cub camp
7 for the weekend.
8 Q. Do you know of anything else surrounding the
9 circumstances of Dr Kelly's death that you can assist
10 his Lordship with?
11 A. No, I do not.
12 LORD HUTTON: Thank you very much indeed, Mr Chapman. Just
13 take your time, please, to leave and do not rush at all.
14 Thank you very much.
15 POLICE CONSTABLE DEAN ANDREW FRANKLIN (called)
16 Examined by MR DINGEMANS
17 Q. Could you tell his Lordship your full name?
18 A. My name is Dean Andrew Franklin.
19 Q. And your occupation?
20 A. I am a police constable with the police support team,
21 Thames Valley Police.
22 Q. Where are you based?
23 A. We are based at the Royal Lodge in Windsor Great Park.
24 Q. Were you on duty on 18th July?
25 A. I was called on duty from my home address.

30
1 Q. What time did you get a call?
2 A. 06.15 hours.
3 Q. And do you live near Windsor then?
4 A. I live in Windsor.
5 Q. Where were you called to?
6 A. To Abingdon police station.
7 Q. How long did it take to get there?
8 A. Just over an hour.
9 Q. When you arrived, who else was there?
10 A. I met with my sergeant, Paul Woods, who took us into
11 a briefing; and there was several other officers there.
12 Q. How many officers were there?
13 A. I could not tell you exactly.
14 Q. But roughly?
15 A. 8 to 10.
16 Q. You were given a briefing by your sergeant?
17 A. Yes.
18 Q. What was the nature of the briefing?
19 A. The nature of the briefing was initially a missing
20 person search, to look for Dr David Kelly.
21 Q. You were given some details of Dr Kelly?
22 A. Yes, we were given a photograph with his details on it,
23 what he was supposed to be wearing, and then
24 Sergeant Woods and I discussed the search parameters and
25 whereabouts we would start the search.

31
1 Q. And what was the nature of that discussion?
2 A. With all missing person inquiries we look, initially, to
3 beauty spots, areas that are frequented by the missing
4 person, and that is where we would start our search.
5 Q. Had you got any information about what areas he
6 frequented then?
7 A. I was passed that information by Sergeant Woods.
8 Q. What were you told by Sergeant Woods?
9 A. The search would begin at Harrowdown Hill, which was
10 apparently an area frequented by Dr Kelly on his regular
11 walking route.
12 Q. And having had this discussion with Sergeant Woods,
13 where do you go then?
14 A. We were actually at the police station. I was just
15 deploying my team --
16 Q. How many are in your team?
17 A. I was given a search team leader, which is PC Sawyer,
18 and 6 other officers, when we received a call that
19 a body had been found at Harrowdown Hill.
20 Q. Do you know how many other people were out searching at
21 this time?
22 A. I believe it was only the two volunteers out searching
23 at that time. The parameters for our search and the
24 logistics of calling our teams in does take a bit of
25 time. So PC Sawyer and I were going to be the first

32
1 team out on the ground.
2 Q. We have heard evidence about a helicopter out searching
3 the night before. Had you heard about that?
4 A. No.
5 Q. After you get that information, where did you go?
6 A. PC Sawyer and I attended Harrowdown Hill and went to the
7 scene. We were unsure initially whereabouts we were
8 going, but we passed Paul from the South East Berks
9 Volunteers and he directed us to two uniformed police
10 officers and DC Coe.
11 Q. The South East Berks Volunteers, what are they?
12 A. They are SEBEVs. South East Berks Volunteers. They are
13 an organisation we use regularly for missing person
14 searches.
15 Q. To help?
16 A. To help us. They are a highly professional and
17 motivated organisation.
18 Q. You mentioned DC Coe. Was he part of your search team?
19 A. No.
20 Q. What he was he doing?
21 A. He was at the scene. I had no idea what he was doing
22 there or why he was there. He was just at the scene
23 when PC Sawyer and I arrived.
24 Q. Who was in charge of the scene at this time?
25 A. DC Coe was until I turned up and then I took charge of

33
1 the scene.
2 Q. Did you get taken into the wood?
3 A. DC Coe took us into the woods, PC Sawyer and myself, to
4 the area where the body was.
5 Q. And what did you see there?
6 A. We walked between 50 and 70 metres into the wood up
7 a slight gradient, and in a clearing at the base of
8 a tree was the body of a white male.
9 Q. Do you recall what was being worn?
10 A. I believe he had a blue jacket on, a white coloured
11 shirt and blue denim jeans.
12 Q. And what was his position?
13 A. He was lying on his back with his right hand to his side
14 and his left hand was sort of inverted with the palm
15 facing down (Indicates), facing up on his back.
16 Q. Did you see any signs of injury on the body?
17 A. There was a fair amount of blood to the left wrist area
18 and on the left hand, and a fair amount of blood sort of
19 puddled around.
20 Q. On the ground?
21 A. On the ground, yes.
22 Q. Did you see whether or not there was a watch or anything
23 on the body?
24 A. If I may refer to my notes?
25 Q. Yes, of course.

34
1 LORD HUTTON: Yes.
2 A. The wrist watch was lying away from the body, next to
3 a knife. The wrist watch was just to the left of the
4 left arm, with the knife next to it, and also there was
5 an open bottle of water at the scene.
6 Q. An open bottle of water?
7 A. Yes, the wrist watch was off the wrist.
8 Q. What, mineral water?
9 A. A bottle of, yes, mineral water, a plastic bottle.
10 Q. How large was that bottle, a big bottle or a small one?
11 A. A small one.
12 Q. And what did the knife look like?
13 A. The blade was open. It was some sort of lock knife. I
14 cannot be that precise. I believe it had a curved --
15 slight curve to the blade. The blade was maybe 3 to
16 4 inches long.
17 Q. Was there anything on the blade?
18 A. Blood.
19 Q. Was there anything else beside the bottle of water, the
20 blade and the wrist watch?
21 A. No.
22 Q. And did you form any opinion about whether or not there
23 was a sign of life?
24 A. We had two paramedics who were following closely behind
25 us, but my initial thought was the body we had found was

35
1 that of a dead man.
2 Q. Did you recognise the body?
3 A. I believed it was Dr David Kelly.
4 Q. From the descriptions?
5 A. From the descriptions and the photograph we had.
6 Q. Having located the body, what did you do as a result of
7 that?
8 A. The paramedics came to the scene to pronounce life
9 extinct, which they did.
10 Q. Did you see them do that?
11 A. Yes, we did.
12 Q. When you first saw the body, were there any pads on the
13 chest?
14 A. No, the shirt was done up when we got there. My
15 colleague -- if I may explain. We take photographs of
16 these sort of scenes all the time as a matter of course
17 because we knew the paramedics would be disturbing the
18 clothing and possibly disturbing the scene.
19 Q. You took the photographs?
20 A. PC Sawyer.
21 Q. Before the body was disturbed?
22 A. Yes.
23 Q. That showed the shirt buttoned up?
24 A. Yes.
25 Q. Copies of those photographs have been supplied to the

36
1 Inquiry?
2 A. I believe PC Sawyer supplied them, yes.
3 Q. For fairly obvious reasons those are not being
4 published.
5 A. Absolutely, yes.
6 Q. They show the shirt buttoned up, do they?
7 A. The shirt was buttoned up. I believe PC Sawyer took
8 photographs during and after the procedure the
9 paramedics go through.
10 Q. What did you see the paramedics do?
11 A. The shirt was unbuttoned, they placed four sticky pads,
12 I believe it is four, on to the body, the chest, and
13 attached it to a medical machine -- sorry, I have no
14 idea what it is. And they pronounced life extinct at
15 10.07 hours that morning.
16 LORD HUTTON: May I just ask you: how long were you at the
17 scene before the paramedics arrived?
18 A. Less than two minutes.
19 LORD HUTTON: Less than two minutes. I see. Thank you.
20 MR DINGEMANS: After the paramedics have declared formally
21 life extinct, where did they go?
22 A. We all left the scene. We left the wooded area to
23 a natural break in the woods, a path which is where
24 PC Sawyer and I went. I believe the two paramedics left
25 the scene all together. I am not 100 per cent sure of

37
1 at because PC Sawyer and I went back in.
2 Q. You went back in?
3 A. To establish what we call a common approach path and to
4 mark it off where the area we had walked in.
5 Q. What is a common approach path?
6 A. A common approach path would be, in this instance, a
7 taped area. We taped it off either side so any person
8 visiting the scene, the only place they would walk would
9 be up the common approach path.
10 Q. Why do you do that?
11 A. Sterility of the scene and to preserve any evidence that
12 may be either side.
13 Q. And having set out this common approach path, what did
14 you do?
15 A. The common approach path was established and we then
16 taped off the area around the body, again for the same
17 reasons. We then left the scene and went back down to
18 collect our vehicle -- we had walked about three
19 quarters of a mile up to the scene -- to take our
20 vehicle back up to await senior CID officers and scenes
21 of crime.
22 Q. So you drive your vehicle back up?
23 A. Yes.
24 Q. And do you see what happens when the senior officers
25 arrive?

38
1 A. We were asked by the senior scenes of crime officer to
2 search the common approach path; PC Sawyer and myself
3 were.
4 Q. What does that involve?
5 A. A full search would involve hands and knees going
6 through every piece of undergrowth and twig. I stated
7 at the time that perhaps that was not prudent because
8 there were only two of us, so we did a check rather than
9 a full search of a common approach path. This would be
10 for any obvious dropped articles.
11 Q. And was the other area searched?
12 A. Which area, sir?
13 Q. Which is not on the common approach path.
14 A. Not initially. You mean either side of the common
15 approach path?
16 Q. Yes.
17 A. No.
18 Q. Do you know if that was ever searched?
19 A. It was searched. At 12.50 hours the same day I had
20 a request from DCI Young to fingertip search the common
21 approach path and either side. I decided as a police
22 search adviser to do 10 metres either side of the common
23 approach path at that time.
24 Q. So did you do a fingertip search of the common approach
25 path?

39
1 A. At 12.50 hours, yes. Not initially. The initial check
2 was done by PC Sawyer and I.
3 Q. That is the initial check?
4 A. Yes.
5 Q. Later on you are asked to do a fingertip search?
6 A. Yes. A full search team come in to do that.
7 Q. What do you wear when you do that type of search?
8 A. We were dressed forensically, white paper suits, hoods
9 up, masks, gloves, rubber gloves, and covering for our
10 feet.
11 Q. When you first went into the wood is that what you were
12 wearing?
13 A. No, we were dressed in summer search kit: black polo
14 shirt, black trousers and our work boots.
15 Q. What, your initial search was carried out in the summer
16 dress, was it?
17 A. In the summer search uniform. We had no forensic kit
18 with us at the time.
19 Q. When the forensic kit arrives and you start doing the
20 fingertip search, do you start on the common approach
21 path?
22 A. I actually, as police search adviser, do not do the
23 search; that was run by PC Sawyer.
24 Q. You watched them all doing it for you?
25 A. Some of the time. As police search adviser I have to

40
1 liaise with the senior officers about the policies for
2 the search and what we hope to get out of it, so I was
3 backwards and forwards.
4 Q. What were you hoping to get out of this search?
5 A. We have to speak to the DCI initially and he wanted us
6 to look for -- if again I may refer to my notes --
7 medicine or pill bottles, pills, pill foils or any
8 receptacle or bag that may contain medicines.
9 Q. You are doing a search for that. Are you also looking
10 for anything else?
11 A. Yes. The police search teams I work with would pick up
12 anything that would be dropped by a human or out of the
13 ordinary. Those are the items that were just specified
14 to us, but as a search team we tend to look for anything
15 that should not be there.
16 Q. And having searched the common approach path, either
17 side of the body was searched; is that right?
18 A. The common approach path was about 70 metres long. We
19 searched 10 metres either side. Then we had a request
20 to search 10 metres around the glade, if you like, the
21 opening in the woodland where the body was.
22 Q. Do you know whether anything was located as a result of
23 these fingertip searches?
24 A. Nothing.
25 Q. Do you know whether there were any signs of a struggle

41
1 seen as a result of these fingertip searches?
2 A. No, there was no sign of an obvious struggle.
3 Q. What time did you finish the searches that day?
4 A. The search of the common approach path and the area
5 10 metres around the top of the body was concluded at
6 16.45 hours that day, but then we were given another
7 task by the detective chief inspector.
8 Q. What was that other task?
9 A. The task was once the body had been removed for us to
10 fingertip search the area inside the tape where the body
11 was.
12 Q. Did you do that?
13 A. I changed search teams. PC Sawyer and I remained on
14 site, as police search adviser and team leader, but
15 I changed the search teams over and a new search team
16 came in, again dressed forensically, to do that.
17 Q. They carried out a fingertip search of that area?
18 A. They started at 19.24 hours and finished at 19.45 hours.
19 Q. Did they find anything?
20 A. Nothing.
21 Q. No sign of a struggle?
22 A. No.
23 Q. No other medicine bottles or anything?
24 A. No.
25 Q. And do you recall what was retrieved from the scene?

42
1 A. That would have been retrieved by the scenes of crime
2 officers. The actual scene where the body was was dealt
3 with by them first, hence the reason we had to wait
4 until nearly 7.30 in the evening to search the site.
5 They would have retrieved the knife, the wrist watch and
6 searched the body. That is not down to me and my team.
7 Q. They would have retrieved the knife, the wrist watch,
8 the bottle of water and the bottle of tablets we are
9 going to hear about?
10 A. Yes, I do not know about the bottle of tablets.
11 Q. And is there anything else surrounding the circumstances
12 of Dr Kelly's death that you can assist his Lordship
13 with?
14 A. Not with this initial part, sir, no.
15 LORD HUTTON: Constable Franklin, after you and your
16 colleague had found the body you then went back and
17 other police officers arrived on the scene, is that
18 right?
19 A. Are we talking initially, my Lord?
20 LORD HUTTON: Yes.
21 A. Initially it was just PC Sawyer and myself that went
22 into the scene, but, yes, the whole search team would
23 come up to a rendezvous point and be deployed by me from
24 there.
25 LORD HUTTON: How soon did you return with the search team

43
1 to the scene?
2 A. PC Sawyer and I left the scene and we returned with the
3 vehicle minutes later. The search team did not attend
4 until ...(Pause) About half past 12, I believe sir.
5 The search itself did not start until 1 o'clock in the
6 afternoon.
7 LORD HUTTON: I see, yes. You return with Constable Sawyer
8 just within a matter of minutes.
9 A. Yes.
10 LORD HUTTON: Thank you very much indeed.
11 A. My Lord, thank you.
12 LORD HUTTON: Thank you.
13 MR KNOX: My Lord, the next witness is Mr Sawyer.
14 POLICE CONSTABLE MARTYN SAWYER (called)
15 Examined by MR KNOX
16 Q. Mr Sawyer, what is your full name?
17 A. Jonathan Martyn Sawyer.
18 Q. Your occupation?
19 A. I am a police constable with the Thames Valley Police,
20 stationed on the police search team the same as
21 PC Franklin.
22 Q. Which station?
23 A. That would be from the Royal Lodge in Windsor Great
24 Park.
25 Q. What are your qualifications?

44
1 A. I am a qualified EOD searcher, which is explosive
2 ordnance searcher. We have to be licensed by the Home
3 Office and we retrain on a periodic basis. We also
4 train to search major crime scenes, murder scenes and
5 any major event. We search events like Royal Ascot,
6 which we call a defensive search, to make sure there are
7 no explosive devices left. We also do offensive
8 searches or crime scene searches, as the Dr David Kelly
9 search.
10 Q. I understand you are a search team leader?
11 A. I am a search team leader, which means I have done
12 a further course which enables me to actually run
13 a search. Police Constable Franklin, being the police
14 search adviser, will liaise with the senior
15 investigating officer. They will decide on the
16 parameters of the search, what they want searched. It
17 is then turned over to me to organise the logistics of
18 it, to plan the search, do the cordons, to set the
19 searchers going and supervise them while they are
20 searching.
21 Q. You were on duty on the morning of 18th July?
22 A. Yes.
23 Q. What happened when you first turned up?
24 A. I was called out, I believe, about 6 o'clock in the
25 morning to attend Abingdon police station for 8, where

45
1 I was informed by PC Franklin we had a high risk missing
2 person. We had a missing person who was identified to
3 me as Dr Kelly.
4 Q. Just pause there for a moment. A high risk missing
5 person, meaning what?
6 A. "High risk" means that there is a possibility that
7 because of the length of time they have been missing
8 there is a possibility that he might have done himself
9 harm.
10 Q. So Police Constable Franklin tells you that. Then what
11 happens?
12 A. Then we are in the briefing that
13 Police Constable Franklin has already described.
14 We are just about to leave to perform our first
15 searches, which would have been in the village and the
16 surrounding areas of the route he was thought to have
17 taken, when information came in that a body had been
18 found. I then left with Police Constable Franklin to
19 attend the scene.
20 Q. Can you remember what time it was that that information
21 came in?
22 A. It would have been about 9 o'clock, I believe.
23 Q. So you then leave with Police Constable Franklin?
24 A. Yes.
25 Q. And anyone else?

46
1 A. We had three other officers in the back who we took from
2 the search team to act as the cordons, because obviously
3 we do not want members of the public or members of the
4 press approaching the scene until it has been obviously
5 searched and declared sterile.
6 Q. And where did you then go?
7 A. We then went to the track that leads up to
8 Harrowdown Hill, I do not know the name of the track,
9 but when we arrived we saw a vehicle parked which
10 belonged to Louise. We started walking up the track.
11 We also had with us two paramedics who had arrived,
12 which we took up with us to make sure that the person we
13 were going to see did not require any medical
14 assistance.
15 Q. Those two paramedics had obviously arrived separately
16 from you?
17 A. They had arrived more or less at the same time we did.
18 So the five of us went up because we were with
19 Sergeant Alan Dadd as well.
20 Q. Where did you stop the cars?
21 A. Stopped the cars -- I believe it at is the top, I have
22 not seen the map but I believe it is at the top of
23 Common Lane. Then we turned left and right up to the
24 track which leads up to Harrowdown Hill.
25 Q. You go along the track, where do you then go to?

47
1 A. We met Paul from SEBEV walking down the hill.
2 Q. Paul Chapman?
3 A. He told us basically the body was further up in the
4 woods. We continued walking up the hill, where I saw
5 DC Coe and two uniformed officers. I said, you know:
6 whereabouts is the body? He pointed the path he had
7 taken. I asked him if he had approached the body. He
8 said he had. I asked him to point out where he had
9 entered the woods and PC Franklin and myself entered the
10 woods at the same point, taking with us a dozen or 15
11 aluminium poles we use when we are moving towards
12 a scene to establish a common approach path.
13 Q. Were the paramedics with you at the time?
14 A. Yes.
15 Q. The other three officers?
16 A. They remained down on the path.
17 Q. So it is you, PC Franklin and two paramedics, then the
18 other three officers you have met; is that right?
19 A. Yes.
20 Q. You go down further into the woods, is that right?
21 A. The three officers -- DC Coe and the two uniformed
22 officers -- stayed on the path which leads through the
23 woods. We branched off to the left about 50 or
24 70 metres up into the woods, where the body was.
25 Q. So it is just the four of you; is that right?

48
1 A. Just the four of us went up there.
2 Q. Did you see anything on the way? Did you notice
3 anything on the way?
4 A. No, no. As we walked through the woods we were leaving
5 our aluminium poles, which have a fluorescent marker on
6 the top, so we could establish the route we had taken
7 into the woods. As we crested the slight rise, I saw
8 the body lying at the base of a tree. I then said to
9 PC Franklin and the paramedics to stop while I got my
10 digital camera because I wanted to take a record of the
11 scene before it was -- before we actually approached it
12 at all. So I took a number of pictures as we approached
13 the body, and of the body and the surrounding area; and
14 then the paramedics asked if they could do their job, to
15 which we said: yes.
16 They tried to -- they used the paddles of the
17 electrocardiogram machine to try to see if there was
18 a sign of life through Dr Kelly's shirt. They were
19 unable to do so and said: could they undo the shirt?
20 I said: yes. I asked them to wait for a second. I took
21 another two more reference pictures. They then undid
22 the shirt, put the electrodes on and got a graph from
23 the machine which showed there were no signs of life.
24 I then -- they disconnected their equipment from the
25 machine, leaving the electrodes in place; I asked them

49
1 to do that. I then took a further reference shot to
2 show the electrodes in place.
3 Q. Before the paramedics approached Dr Kelly's body, can
4 you remember what position it was in?
5 A. Lying on its back with its head at the base of a tree,
6 a large tree. The head was tilted to the left. The
7 right arm was by the side. The left arm was palm down.
8 There was a large amount of blood on the back of the
9 left arm. There was a watch and a curved knife by that
10 wrist.
11 Q. And you say a curved knife. Was it open? Was it a pen
12 knife?
13 A. It was open. I have seen gardening pruning knives which
14 look identical. I would have called it a pruning knife.
15 Q. Did you see a bottle of water?
16 A. I did, by Dr Kelly's head. There was an open bottle of
17 Evian, 500 ml or 300 ml bottle, with the cap by the side
18 of it, by his head.
19 Q. Was it upright?
20 A. It was leaning slightly. It had been propped but it was
21 upright. There was still some water in it.
22 Q. What injuries did you see on the body itself?
23 A. I could not see any actual injuries because the
24 injuries, I believe, were hidden by the wrist being
25 turned down. But there was a large amount of blood

50
1 there, and also from the mouth, the corner of -- the
2 right-hand corner of the mouth to the ear there was
3 a dark stain where I took it that Dr Kelly had vomited
4 and it had run down the side of his face.
5 Q. What about on his face, were there any marks or stains
6 on his clothes?
7 A. His jeans -- he was wearing jeans, they were pulled up
8 slightly, exposing the lower half of his leg or his
9 ankle. It looked as if he had slid down and his
10 trousers had ridden up. I believe on the right-hand
11 knee there was a patch of what I took to be blood, but
12 I do not know what it was, but it had the appearance of
13 blood.
14 Q. Did he still have his jacket on?
15 A. Yes.
16 Q. Were there any marks on the jacket, as far as you could
17 see?
18 A. No, only the blood from his wrist.
19 Q. Now, after you had taken the photographs and seen the
20 body, did you carry out any further searches?
21 A. Yes. On the way back -- once we had finished with the
22 body, once the paramedics had finished, we went back
23 down the common approach path to the path where DC Coe
24 and the two uniformed officers were. We then walked,
25 leaving them there to guard the scene so nobody else

51
1 could approach it, we then walked back to the truck, our
2 Land Rover, and drove that up where we got some more
3 metal poles. We extended the common approach path from
4 one pole to two poles to about a 2 foot 6 gap, so people
5 could walk up and down. We then had a quick look on
6 that path, a search, just to check there were no major
7 items there. And then we waited for the senior
8 investigating officer to arrive and liaise with
9 Police Constable Franklin.
10 Q. The senior investigating officer was?
11 A. DCI Young.
12 Q. I think we heard from PC Franklin earlier a further
13 search was then carried out.
14 A. Yes. It was decided a search of the woods 10 metres
15 either side of the body, on the approach up the hill to
16 the body, would be carried out. I was tasked by
17 Police Constable Franklin to organise that. I had
18 a number of searchers at my disposal. Because of my
19 number of searchers I decided to split it into three
20 5 metre wide approaches up to the body.
21 Q. This involves searching what you call the common
22 approach path?
23 A. Yes. The first search would include the common approach
24 path. So my team of -- if I may refer to my notes.
25 Q. Yes.

52
1 A. I had a team of seven searchers initially, so I put
2 those into a 5 metre grid pattern which works up towards
3 the body, and that would include the common approach
4 path. So the first sweep, the first 5 metre search
5 included the fingertip search of the common approach
6 path.
7 Q. And that was carried out at what time?
8 A. That was carried out at -- sorry, we have an awful lot
9 of paperwork when we are doing this job. It was started
10 at 13.08 that first sweep.
11 Q. How many sweeps do you do? You talk about the first
12 sweep.
13 A. Right. My plan shows there were six zones eventually
14 which we searched. The first zone, zone 1, was to the
15 right-hand side of the common approach path to include
16 the common approach path. The second zone was 5 metres
17 beyond that, which took us up to level with the area
18 that we had taped off surrounding the body. Zone 3 was
19 the zone to the left of the common approach path.
20 Zone 4, 5 metres further on from that. Zone 5 was the
21 10 metre radius round the back of the area where the
22 body had been found, which was really dense brambles and
23 overgrown trees. And zone 6 was the area where the body
24 itself had been lying.
25 Q. We do not have a photograph here at the moment but what

53
1 was the nature of the woods around the common approach
2 path and then where the body was found?
3 A. Up the common approach path to where the -- the common
4 approach path was the easiest route in, and either side
5 of that the undergrowth was reasonably light. But as
6 you moved away each side, left and right, the
7 undergrowth became extremely heavy. Zone 5, which went
8 round the back of the scene, was almost impenetrable and
9 the searchers had a really hard job getting through the
10 brambles and the undergrowth to check the ground.
11 Q. Obviously Dr Kelly had managed to get to where he was,
12 but in the searches you did were you able to identify
13 any footprints at all which would have explained how he
14 got there?
15 A. He had moved up through the woods to the last area,
16 where there was clear access. If I was walking into
17 those woods myself I would have walked up as far as he
18 had before deciding it was impossible to go any further,
19 because there were footpaths apparently which led
20 through that but they were so overgrown nobody had been
21 through them for a number of months.
22 Q. In other words, it was possible to walk to where
23 Dr Kelly's body was found without much difficulty?
24 A. Yes.
25 Q. If you wanted to go any further you would have to go

54
1 through very dense --
2 A. You would struggle, really struggle, yes.
3 Q. How long was the common approach path?
4 A. Estimate between 50 and 70 metres.
5 Q. When did that search finish, can you recall?
6 A. The final search finished at 19.45. We had to wait
7 until Dr Kelly's body was removed before we could search
8 zone 6, which is where the body had been lying.
9 Q. You were involved in all these searches?
10 A. Yes, I team led the team searches. When you are a team
11 leader and you are assigned to this, you see it all the
12 way through from beginning to end.
13 Q. At the end of the search, did you collect all the suits
14 you had been wearing?
15 A. Yes, I collected all the suits from both search teams.
16 As PC Franklin has said, halfway through or towards the
17 end the search teams were changed through fatigue, and
18 all the teams' suits and all the gloves were collected
19 and produced as an exhibit.
20 Q. They were taken back to the police station?
21 A. Yes.
22 Q. On the next day were you on duty as well, Saturday
23 19th July?
24 A. Yes, I was. I returned to duty the following day again
25 to work with PC Franklin as he wanted me to team lead

55
1 a search of Dr Kelly's house.
2 Q. And what did you do once you got there?
3 A. Whenever we search a premise the first thing we do is
4 walk through with the search adviser and we, again, just
5 check the parameters of the search. The search was to
6 include the house, any out-buildings, garages, cars and
7 the grounds, which were extensive in this particular
8 case. The house itself is a very large house.
9 Q. What were the results of the search of the grounds of
10 the house? Was there anything noticed?
11 A. The grounds there was nothing found.
12 Q. And what about in the house itself?
13 A. The house itself there were a number of exhibits. Do
14 you want me to go through them all?
15 Q. I do not think you need you to go through all the
16 exhibits themselves. Was there anything particular,
17 apart from documents and so forth that you found in the
18 house?
19 A. No. Basically there were documents that were taken
20 away. I believe there was a photograph found in his
21 study which has envisaged a little interest, but when
22 I am team leading the search, the officers who find the
23 exhibits will take them straight to the exhibits
24 officer, who books them in to the exhibits. They then
25 tell me so I can log them in my records, but I am not

56
1 looking over their shoulder the whole time although I do
2 travel round and supervise.
3 Q. Can you remember when the search of the premises began
4 on the 19th?
5 A. The search began at 11.05.
6 Q. And when did it finish on that day?
7 A. It finished at 20.50, 10 to 9 that evening. The search
8 of the study was concluded, and that was the last place
9 to be finished.
10 Q. I should have asked you this a moment ago, but while you
11 were searching in the woods did you find anything at all
12 which indicated that any other people had been there?
13 A. No, nothing. Normally when we search wooded areas there
14 is a fair amount of detritus, crisp packets, bottles,
15 cans, cigarette ends. This area itself was remarkable
16 for its complete lack of human interference.
17 Q. I take it you did not find any footprints?
18 A. No.
19 Q. Would that be normal? Obviously Dr Kelly had got in
20 there, but you would not have expected to see his
21 footprints there?
22 A. I would not have expected to find any footprints in that
23 area because of the undergrowth itself. There was not
24 a lot of bare earth for footprints to be recorded on;
25 and when I first saw Dr Kelly I was very aware of the

57
1 serious nature of the search and I was looking for signs
2 of perhaps a struggle; but all the vegetation that was
3 surrounding Dr Kelly's body was standing upright and
4 there were no signs of any form of struggle at all.
5 Q. Is there anything else you would like to say which you
6 think might cast some light on the circumstances --
7 A. I can think of nothing else which will help the Inquiry.
8 LORD HUTTON: Thank you very much indeed, Constable.
9 A. My Lord.
10 MR DINGEMANS: Detective Sergeant Webb, please.
11 DETECTIVE SERGEANT GEOFFREY HUGH WEBB (called)
12 Examined by MR DINGEMANS
13 Q. Can you tell his Lordship your full name?
14 A. Yes, my name is Geoffrey Hugh Webb.
15 Q. What is your occupation?
16 A. I am a Detective Sergeant of the Thames Valley Police
17 currently stationed at Didcot.
18 Q. Were you involved in the search for Dr Kelly?
19 A. No, I was not.
20 Q. What was your role in relation to this?
21 A. I was called in to work on that day --
22 Q. That is 18th July?
23 A. That is right -- at 4 am in the morning; and I was
24 tasked, at that time, to go and meet Mrs Kelly and to
25 chat with her and basically to debrief her on the

58
1 circumstances of Dr Kelly's disappearance.
2 Q. Who had called you?
3 A. I was called in by my detective inspector at that time.
4 Q. And what time did you arrive at work?
5 A. Quarter to 5.
6 Q. Quarter to 5. Where was that?
7 A. At Abingdon police station.
8 Q. How long did you stay at Abingdon police station?
9 A. For approximately an hour and a quarter, and then I went
10 to Southmore.
11 Q. What were you doing while you were at Abingdon police
12 station?
13 A. I was briefed on what had gone on previously.
14 Q. Who by?
15 A. By various people, including a uniformed sergeant who
16 had been -- who had spent the night with the
17 Kelly family and who had originally taken the report of
18 Dr Kelly's disappearance.
19 Q. Do you remember who that was?
20 A. His name was Sergeant Simon Morris.
21 Q. He had come back to the police station?
22 A. He returned to Abingdon police station and briefed those
23 present of what had gone on during the night.
24 Q. What had gone on during the night?
25 A. As I understand it, they had done some searching of the

59
1 area, as much as they could possibly do in the dark.
2 Q. Who had done that?
3 A. Uniformed police officers.
4 Q. Do you remember how many?
5 A. I could not say at the moment.
6 Q. Were you told about a helicopter that had been used?
7 A. I understand the helicopter had been used in an attempt
8 to find any sort of zones of heat, I believe they call
9 that.
10 Q. What had been the result of those night-time searches?
11 A. They were all negative.
12 Q. So Sergeant Morris had come back to Abingdon police
13 station. How many officers were in Abingdon police
14 station at this time in the morning?
15 A. Who had been called in?
16 Q. Yes.
17 A. I should imagine about 10 of us.
18 Q. What were you told?
19 A. Basically that Dr Kelly had left his home the previous
20 afternoon and had not been seen; the fact that the
21 family had made some attempt to try to find him
22 themselves but, again, this had proved fruitless and
23 that they had called the police, I believe slightly
24 prior to midnight the evening before.
25 Q. And Sergeant Morris had taken that call?

60
1 A. Whether he took the call or not is a different matter,
2 but he certainly went to the Kellys' home. I do not
3 know whether he actually took the call; I would imagine
4 he did not.
5 Q. Did he tell you what had happened in relation to his
6 attempts to search that night?
7 A. Not specifically, no. He basically gave us the
8 background in relation -- or the background prior to
9 Dr Kelly's disappearance, what he had done during the
10 day.
11 Q. And as a result of all that information that you had
12 received, where did you go?
13 A. I then went back to Dr Kelly's home.
14 Q. What time did you arrive?
15 A. 7.15 in the morning; and I sat there then and I spoke at
16 length with Mrs Kelly and the two daughters, Rachel and
17 Sian.
18 Q. And what was the aim of that?
19 A. Really to see if any clue could be attained as to (1)
20 why Dr Kelly should absent himself in such
21 circumstances; and (2) where he would go having absented
22 himself.
23 Q. Were you given any information which assisted in
24 relation to that?
25 A. To be honest, not really, no. I mean, the Kelly family

61
1 were very upbeat at that time. They were very hopeful
2 that no harm had come to Dr Kelly. In fact, they
3 genuinely believed I think that perhaps he had become
4 ill somewhere.
5 Q. Were you joined by anyone?
6 A. I was joined by WPC Karen Roberts, yes, slightly later
7 that same morning.
8 Q. What was her role?
9 A. She was going to take on the role of being a family
10 liaison officer and really to look after the
11 Kelly family, you know, during the following inquiry.
12 Q. How long did you stay at the house for?
13 A. I left the house at about 8 am to return to Abingdon
14 police station, at that time to tell -- it was Assistant
15 Chief Constable Page at that particular time, what the
16 result of my inquiries were. I mean Dr Kelly's mood,
17 the exact circumstances of his disappearance et cetera.
18 Q. How many police were searching at this stage, were you
19 aware?
20 A. I could not say sir, I do not know.
21 Q. What time did you brief Assistant Chief Constable Page?
22 A. I got back to Abingdon I suppose about 8.30, immediately
23 spoke to him for about 15 or 20 minutes, until really
24 the news came in that a body had been found.
25 Q. What did you do as a result of that?

62
1 A. I was then tasked to go back to the Kelly family and to
2 give them the news that it would seem that Dr Kelly had
3 been found and that he was dead.
4 Q. How long did you stay at the house?
5 A. I remained there then for the majority of the day.
6 Q. While you were at the house, did you carry out any
7 searches?
8 A. Whilst I was there, I carried out a very cursory search
9 of Dr Kelly's study.
10 Q. And did you find anything in the study?
11 A. I did and I took possession of certain items, yes.
12 Q. Right. What did you find there?
13 A. May I refer to my note?
14 LORD HUTTON: Yes, please do.
15 A. The search that I carried out, as I said, was a very
16 cursory search and really only encompassed things that
17 were within view. And the first thing that I looked
18 through was Dr Kelly's briefcase, which was closed. On
19 opening it I found firstly a letter dated 9th July 2003
20 addressed to Dr Kelly from a Richard Hatfield headed
21 "Discussions with the media".
22 MR DINGEMANS: Was that an opened letter?
23 A. No, that letter was in an envelope which was sealed, and
24 I opened it.
25 Q. So you were the first person to open it?

63
1 A. I was, sir, yes.
2 Q. Can I take you to MoD/1/69? You should see a document
3 appearing shortly on the screen. Do you recognise this
4 document if we scroll down it?
5 A. That would appear to be the same document, yes, sir.
6 Q. You found it in a sealed envelope?
7 A. That was in a sealed envelope addressed to Dr Kelly.
8 Q. Handwritten?
9 A. I seem to recall it being a handwritten envelope, but I
10 cannot swear to that.
11 Q. Did you find anything else?
12 A. I did. There was a letter dated 10th July 2003
13 addressed to Dr Kelly from someone called
14 Steve Priestley.
15 Q. Can I take you to MoD/1/74? What do we see here?
16 A. Yes, that is the document that I saw.
17 Q. Was that in an envelope?
18 A. No, that was just open.
19 Q. Right.
20 LORD HUTTON: So there was no envelope at all you saw in
21 respect of that?
22 A. Not for the letter from Stephen Priestley, no.
23 MR DINGEMANS: Then another document.
24 A. A handwritten note entitled "Gabriel's concerns."
25 Q. That appeared to relate to Iraq and weapons of mass

64
1 destruction?
2 A. That is correct, yes.
3 Q. Anything else?
4 A. An e-mail message dated 14th July 2003 attached to
5 several papers entitled "The House of Commons Defence
6 Committee oral evidence sessions. Notes for guidance".
7 Q. Did you find anything else in your search that day?
8 A. I did. I then checked Dr Kelly's desk, where his
9 computer had been installed, and the first thing
10 I notice were a number of business cards which had
11 apparently originated from journalists.
12 Q. Right. And you took those?
13 A. Yes.
14 Q. Anything else?
15 A. A year 2003 diary.
16 Q. And we have, in fact, seen extracts from that. So you
17 obviously took that as well, did you?
18 A. Yes. I then also took a Sainsbury's notebook which
19 contained handwritten notes, together with four loose
20 sheets of A4 paper also containing handwritten notes.
21 On briefly scanning that notebook, the last page seemed
22 to contain a list of journalists.
23 Q. And I think we have seen extracts from that handwritten
24 note, including Dr Kelly's note of his meeting on
25 14th July. Did you recover anything else?

65
1 A. Yes, there were Ministry of Defence and Foreign Affairs
2 documentation concerning Dr Kelly's involvement with
3 journalists.
4 Q. And you produced and identified all of that?
5 A. I did, yes.
6 Q. What else did you search?
7 A. In his office he had a low coffee table; and on that
8 there was a copy of a letter dated 30th June 2003 from
9 Dr Kelly to Dr Bryan Wells, Director of Proliferation
10 and Arms Control Secretariat, headed "Andrew Gilligan
11 and his single anonymous source".
12 Q. If we go to MoD/1/19, and scroll down the page, is this
13 the document?
14 A. That is the document, sir, yes.
15 LORD HUTTON: "Dear Bryan", was that name written on it?
16 A. That is correct, yes.
17 LORD HUTTON: Thank you.
18 MR DINGEMANS: It was a photocopy rather than an original.
19 A. There were other copies of this letter, if I recall
20 correctly, but that one did have "Bryan" written on it.
21 Q. It was a photocopy rather than an original?
22 A. I believe so, yes.
23 Q. Anything else?
24 A. There was also Ministry of Defence and Foreign Affairs
25 documentation concerning Dr Kelly's involvement with

66
1 journalists, including a transcript of the Foreign
2 Affairs Committee examination of Andrew Gilligan.
3 Q. Printed out from a web page?
4 A. I could not say. It was printed out certainly. Whether
5 it came from a web page I would not know.
6 Q. What else was on the coffee table?
7 A. There was a purple

Unsolved Murder of Uwe Barschel Put In Iran-Contra Conspiracy Context

2011-04-19T10:24:00.001+01:00

by Trowbridge H. Ford

When big strategic conspiracies are programmed, like triggering showdowns with the Soviets by assassinating President Kennedy or Sweden's statsminister Olof Palme, so much has to be connected for them to work as planned that they almost invariably go wrong - what makes critics of conspiracy theories deny that they ever existed. The killing can go wrong, accidents can happen, agents in the know can decide to become turncoats, intended scapegoats can somehow turn sour, and the intended targets can manage to figure out through its own intelligence services what is afoot, and take appropriate countermeasures. As a result, when the conspirators are left with a cock-up, as was the case in both the murders in 1963 in Dallas, and the Stockholm one in 1986, they have to resort to all kinds of countermeaures of their own to keep the whole fiasco from being discovered. The most easy measure to mount in such circumstances is more murders. Those which come most readily to mind in the JFK killing is the murder of DPD iffucer J. D. Tippitt who discovered some of the President's notorious killers, Richard Cain and Chuckie Nicoletti, while they were making their getaway - resulting in Tippitt's murder too - and even their own before the whole, ugly business was finished. Admiral Carl-Fredrik Algernon, Palme's official in charge of all arms exports from Sweden "...fell or was pushed in front of a subway train in Stockholm's Central Station on Jan. 15 - six days before he was to testify before a special prosecutor investigating the illegal arms shipments." (1)

Unfortuntely, for the plotters, the killing of Algernon - and he was killed as there were two witnesses who saw him pushed off the platform in front of the oncoming train (2) - did not stop the rot about illegal arms shipments to Iran since a plane carrying them over Nicaragua had been shot down on October 6, 1986, and had been disclosed in the press in November, setting off a political firestorm in Washington which could not be stopped by any assassination. While investigating committees by both Houses of Congress had attempted to head it off by offering the important witnesses immunity from prosecution for their testimony, and haphazard questioning which failed to pin almost anything about the illegal transfers down, still Lawrence E. Walsh was appointed the Independent Counsel to investigate the scandal, and he was not prepared to engage in any easy, convenient cover-up, though both committees, especially their leaders, tried.(3) Former Texas Senator John Tower, chairman of the presidential commission into the affair, even wanted the Independent Counsel reduced to its fact-finding agent - what would result in prosecuting those suspected of crimes - but Walsh would not hear of it.

By early March 1987, Walsh's appointment had been announced despite claims of its unconstitutionality by chief conspirator Oliver North, and the Tower Commission had reported that a runaway, though limited conspiracy had occurred. To keep it so, Britain's Thatcher government moved to limit any possible blowback since North had so insisted to his boss, National Security Advisor Robert "Bud" McFarlane, that he enlist the UK in his Enterprise project to supply the Contras with British Blowpipe missiles - what was unsuccessful (4), but could lead to its being seen as supplying other assistance, allegedly the very assassin of the Swedish statsminister, Captain Simon Hayward, the Ops Officer of the 14 Intelligence Company's South Detachment in Northern Ireland who did so, it seems, while reassessing Palme's bodyguards while working for former SAS Major David Walker's KMS security firm. After Operation Pegasus, the assassination plan that Frank Camper had developed to train Contras to kill Sandinistas, and destroy their facilities in Nicaragua with foreign mercanaries, had been closed down because of leaks to the Memphis Commercial Appeal (5), North "...proposed to McFarlane that the British mercenary David Walker establish 'an arrangement with the FDN (Frente Democratico Nicaraguense) for certain special operations expertise aimed particularly at destroying HIND helicopters."(6)

To entrap Hayward, his brother Christopher, an agent apparently working for MI6, arranged for him to meet him at Gilbraltar for a covert mission against some Libyan target, apparently to spot Adam Hopkins' trawler Eksund, loaded with 150 tons of heavy weapons for the Provisional IRA, as it made its way to some landing site in the Irish Republic.(7) The only trouble with the mission was the another part of the British government - the British Army's Force Research Unit (FRU) - had infiltrated the shipment by getting a member of the Provos' Army Council, code name 'Steak knife', to become a tout, and he would not be part of any operation that Simon Hayward was involved in because of his role in the Palme assassination, resulting in a plan to set him up as a drug-runner in Sweden. To get Simon to go along with the plan, Christopher had to agree to it, and help entrap his brother in a quite serious crime, one comparable to a murder. The meeting where it was accomplished is well described in Simon's biography, Under Fire: My Own Story, starting on page 58. It basically concerned getting him to go to Sweden under the impression that he was helping sell Christopher's Jaguar - what required it being taken away from Simon for a few days while it had 50.5 kilos of cannabis hidden in its chasis.

The plan worked like a charm, the essential questions when Simon was finally tried in July 1987 being: did he know about the drugs, was a plan agreed to by his brother and 'Steak knife' aka Duke and Dook at the famous meeting at Santa Eulalia on Ibiza, was Heather Weissand - a woman that Simon mistook for Duke's wife - the FRU handler of 'Steak knife' Sergeant Margaret Walshaw, what were the roles of intermediaries Scotsman Forbes Mitchell and his German wife 'Prita' in the set-up, and conviction of Simon, and were British authorities deliberately allowing hearsay evidence by National Drug Intelligence Unit agents David Morgan and Brian Moore about his being involved with British drug traffickers being introduced if and when there was any trial. It was delayed for an inordinate length of time because London believed that Hopkins would be allowed to go ahead with the Eksund shipment after Hayward's indictment, but 'Steak knife' would not permit it until he was convicted - what occurred in August, and the guilty verdict was appealed by Hayward, delaying the shipment even more.

At the same time, Daniel Morgan and Chantal Hayward were murdered - the first, a private eye, who was apparently putting together an exposé for "Captain Bob" Maxwell's Daily Mirror on March 10, 1987 while Simon was on his way to Sweden, and the latter, his sister-in-law, who was attempting to get the Met involved in uncovering why he had been set-up in Stockholm. Morgan was brutally murdered in Sydenham with an axe in his head when he went to meet an apparent source who could give him more information about the whole Iran-Contra conspiracy, and Chantal was drugged to death after she threatened to expose the culprits of Simon's entrapment even to MP John Gorst who was deeply involved in trying to effect it.(8) She was found dead on July 7th, the victim of a massive drug overdose, a lethal cocktail, which caused her to be asphyxiated by her own vomit, though she never used hard drugs. The undertaker also pointed out to Simon's mother that Chantal had been injected with something in her left forearm, though she was left-handed.(9)

In the meantime, Schleswig-Holstein's most successful FRG politician, Christian Democratic Union leader Uwe Barschel, had gotten wind of Iran-Contra's shipments of arms to Iran at Palme expense, and started making noises about exposing it, particularly after Algernon's surprising murder in January. Barschel grew up in Börnsen, near Hamburg, and was made the Land's Finance Minister and Minister of Interior by Prime Minister Gerhard Stoltenberg in 1979 after a most active political career as a youth. When Stoltenberg became the FRG's Finance Minister, Barschel replaced him as PM, and gained an absolute majority in its 1983 election. He had helped represent the Land in the Bundesrat since 1971.(10) It was best connected to Scandinavia by its ports, especially Sweden, with its ones at Travemunde to Malmö, Trelleborg, and Helsingborg, and Kiel to Göteborg.

Unfortunately for Barschel, the BfV, the FRG's security service, got wind of what he was planning, and did him in. In May, Barschel was nearly killed in a suspicious plane crash at Lubeck, the home of Social Demoractic Party leader Willy Brandt who suffered a similar fate at its hands back in 1974, only this time the party roles were reversed.Then the BfV allowed Brandt's Chancelllor's office to be infiltrated by East German spy, Gunter Guillaume, and Brandt's remaining in office in 1972 by its bribing a CDU deputy, Juliius Steiner, in the Bundestag to vote against the CDU's vote of no confidence - what became known as "Bonn's Watergate".(11) Barschel's "Waterkamt-Gate" seems to have been the result of the securocrats recruiting a similar officer in the Land government, Reiner Pfeiffer, to claim that Barschel had hired him to entrap the SDP candidate Björn Engholm in the September 13, 1987 election in a tax fraud case, and allegedly bugging the PM's own phone - claims he told Der Spiegal right after the election which forced Barschel's resignation, and his vow to clear his name.

Meanwhile, Special Counsel Walsh was starting to reveal only part of the whole Iran-Contra scandal, opting for sure convictions of principal conspirators rather than try to expose the borad general plot. The basic problem had been getting reliable evidence about what really happened rather than just competing claims by the participants. The most reliable evidence was bank records, especially ones in Switzerland, and the Swiss would only release them "...to law-enforcement officials, only for use in criminal investigations, and only after a number of procedural reviews..." (12) Walsh was most desirous of getting the records of Geneva's Compagnie de Services Fiduciaires regarding the transactions of North, Richard Secord and Albert Hakim whose manager William I. Zucker promised to supply if he were granted immunity, and if the Swiss courts allowed the transfers. (13) "We had retained Swiss lawyers in Bern and Geneva," (14) Walsh added. Zucker revealed that there were accounts by which the leading conspirators were able to enrich themselves personally by the transactions with Iran. Walsh's team finally settled on waiting for the release of the Swiss records by its courts in September "...as proof of the disposition of the U. S. arms proceeds and of the $200,000 gratuity from Hakim to North." (15)

The crucial importance of these Swiss documents - what its highest court had ordered released on August 19, 1987 - became crystal clear when the Isrealis involved were not required to release their records of the scandal. They would show if Barschel had been implicated in any of the Enterprise's transactions, something that Palme had not been able to establish becuase of "...Sweden's official and unofficial, well-meaning and profit-seeking, meddling in the Persian Gulf War."(16) When Walsh's people subpoenaed David Kimche, former Mossad director, to testify about his role in it, he was infuriated, claiming that he had diplomatic immunity - what the State Department agreed to for fear that former American diplomats could be similarly treated by foreign countries when engaged in similar criminal activites. Walsh still hoped that Israeli officials would allow important documents to be inspected, and its suspected Iran-Contra conspirators to be interviewed by his people, but Tel Aviv would not allow anything, "...even individuals who were willing to be questioned."(17)

There was then a race against time if Barschel would get the full story, and get it out before he was killed by his opponents in Germany, especially the CIA's specialist in covert murders, Ted "Blond Ghost" Shackley, who was then operating out of Hamburg in Schleswig-Holstein.(18) Shackley is best known for successfully reviving the plot to kill Beatle John Lennon - what was intended to make sure Ronald Reagan won the 1980 presidential election, and what was still done to make sure that assassin Mark David Chapman did leak any secrets about his being made a Manchurian Candidate in the plot.(19) To prevent the Zucker financial records from being disclosed prematurely, Hakim and Ghorbanifar filed separate appeals with the cantonal courts - an unlikely successful procedure since the federal courts were usuallly favored in such controversies - and decisions were expected the day after Barschel lost the elections in Schleswig-Holstein. "On September 21," Walsh recounted, "the cantonal appeals weere decided in our favor,"(20) but on the 29th, the Geneva magistrate, a friend of Hakim's lawyer, still refused to hand over the records. The magistrate continued his refusal to hand them over during the whole month of October, and then he only agreed to do so after Hakim and his lawyer had reviewed them.

This delay gave Shackley and his team just the time they needed to get rid of Barschel. While he was licking his wounds from the electoral defeat while in Gran Canary, he was informed by someone, calling himself Robert Oleff - apparently Hakim's lawyer - of what the records represented, and he persuaded Barschel to come to Geneva to apparently review them. Barschel, of course, jumped at the chance, and checked into room 317 of Geneva's Beau-Rivage Hotel on October 10th, expecting Oleff to drop in. Instead he was met by an assassination team, led by Shackley, who stuffed him with a cocktail of drugs, especially Lorazepam, some through his anus, and starting with the injection of the sedative Voludar - what has recently been confirmed by toxicologist Dr. Hans Brandenberger.(21) Barschel was then left in its tub, fully clothed, to be found by two Stern reporters, investigating his disappearance.

The similarity of the murders of Barschel and Chantal Hayward is striking, and the reason is fairly obvious - the contentious meeting that the Haywards had with Dook and four other secret operators back in Ibiza in early March 1987, what was intended to keep its operations going, especially the drug-running ones, despite the difficulties that Simon's presence created. In describing the meeeting, he made special mention of an unnamed and undescribed American who was arranging the whole showdown. The Haywards had agreed to give him a ride back to San Juan before it started (22), and he lingered in saying his goodbyes to the others, particularly Dook to make sure, it seems, that they understood that the capture of the Eksund was still the first priority.Then when Chris and Simon were engaged in sorting out the confusion and difficulties, the unnamed American got into the back seat (23), stopping any further discussion of the dispute.(24)

The unnamed American appears to have been a member of the famous "Secret Team" that Colonel Fletcher Prouty had been discussing since the infamous Bay of Pigs fiasco, and Daniel Sheehan had revived interest in the previous December with an affidavit about its current operations."The hit squad's commander is General John Singlaub, later founder of the ultra-right wing World Anti-Communist League. North and Secord both served un Singlaub."(25) Its high point was when it used an opium drug lord, Van Pao, in Laos to take over the trade in which his rivals were "mysteriously assassinated". After it had done its damndest to get rid of Castro's Club, and the communists in Southeat Asia, its operatives, now including Shackley's chief lieutenant Thomas Clines, "began a highly secret non-CIA authorised program setting up their own private anticommunist assassination and unconventional warfare program." (26) The ones I am discussing seem ideally suited to its modus operandi.

This makes Mossad agent Victor Ostrovsky's claim in The Other Side of Deception: A Rogue Agent Exposes the Mossad's Secret Agenda that it assassinated Barschel seem to be just more convenient deception.(27) The Mossad is especially happy to take credit for assassinations it did not commit - as it just makes for a more deadly reputation which reduces the need of doing so - what Ostrovsky's erroneous allegation helps. At the same time, it was doing a favor for The Secret Team which could help obtain the release of Israeli spy Jonathan Pollard who was caught in its cross-hairs during the showdown with Moscow after the Palme assassination. It just hasn't worked because the operation was so risky - requiring everyone, especially Walsh, to engage in cover ups - that no such unfortuantes, particularly Rick Ames, Robert Hanssen, and Mark Chapman - will ever be released from prison.

At the same time as the Barschel assassination, The Secret Team arranged with key British operatives, especially the FRU's Sergeant Walshaw, to redirect what Simon Hayward wanted, and fellow operatives in Northern Ireland - working with the help of John McMichael of the Ulster Defence Association Army Council - were engaged in to kill Dook aka 'Steak knife' at taxidriver Francisco Notarantonio's expense. Simon was hoping that 'Steak knife's assassination would show that he was a most dangerous Provo terrorist, engaged in a plot with the drug-smuggling gang to falsely entrap him in Sweden. 'Steak knife's murder would show it was he who was involved with Forbes Mitchell and his wife 'Prita', and all kind of notorious people in most illegal operations, not Hayward. He was sure that it could result in his conviction being overturned on appeal, but Notarantonio's murder ruined it all, only resulting after Hayward's conviction was upheld in McMichael's own murder in December because the UDA Army Council suspected he had been turned by the Provos to protect 'Steak knife'. Heather Weissand apparently aka Walshaw had persuaded the appeals court that there had been no plot to entrap Simon.(28)

References

1. Richard Reeves, "The Palme Obsession," The New York Times Magazine, March 1, 1987, p. 2.

2. Ibid., pp. 56 and 82.

3. Lawrence E. Walsh, Firewall: The Iran-Contra Conspiracy and Cover-Up, p. 48ff.

4. Ibid., p. 103.

5. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America, pp. 128-9.

6. Ibid., note #19, p. 235.

7. For more, see Tony Geraghty, The Irish War, pp. 181-4.

8. For more, see this link: http://codshit.blogspot.com/2008_04_archive.html

9. Hayward - op. cit., p. 186.

10. For more about Barschel, see his wikipedia biography.

11. Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB, pp.443-4.

12. Walsh - op. cit., p. 50.

13. Ibid., p. 56.

14. Ibid., p. 58.

15. Ibid., p. 128.

16. Reeves - op. cit.. p. 56.

17. Walsh - op. cit., p. 65.

18. Ibid., p. 36.

19. For more, see this link: http://codshit.blogspot.com/2008_04_archive.html

20. Walsh - op. cit., p. 147.

21. http://intelligencenews.wordpress.com/2010/11/22/01-600/

22 Hayward - op. cit., p. 60.

23 Ibid.

24. For more, see this link: http://cryptome.saotage.org/fru-hayward.htm

25. Jonathan Vankin and John Whalen, "The Secret Team" in The 60 Greatest Conspiracies of All Time, p. 312. For more, see Walsh - op.cit., especially his mentioning that Clines even purchased a small cargo ship "...for carrying arms to the Contras and for other missions requested by North."(p. 63) Was it the Eksund?

26. Quoted from Sheehan's Affidavit, ibid.

27. For more, see Christopher Bollyn's link: http://www.erichielschmid.net/TFC/Bollyn_Moellemann-murder.htm

28. Hayward - op. cit.,p. 355