Thursday, 24 April 2008

Did Wanted Woman Witness of Morgan Murder Help Kill Todd?

by Trowbridge H. Ford

My last article established that there was a direct link between the vicious murder of private detective Daniel Morgan in South London on March 10, 1987, and the trials and tribulations that Captain Simon Hayward was experiencing immediately thereafter in Stockholm over alleged drug trafficking - thanks to a woman contending so in a meeting with a female police officer in the East Croydon railway station on June lst later that year, and a letter someone sounding exactly the same person wrote to Hendon MP John Gorst a fortnight later. Their message was that there was large, Rajneesh, drug-smuggling organisation which included many officers in Britain's Metropolitan police, and Hayward's brother Christopher, but not apparently Simon himself. He was so encouraged by the developments that he finally admitted the true purpose of his going to Sweden - the selling of his brother's Jaguar rather than just to go skiing - thinking that prosecutors would now believe that he didn't know of the 50.5 kilos of cannabis hidden within it.

While I went on to show that these claims became so serious when Met Detective Superintendent Dave Cook's group was investigating Morgan's murder yet for a fifth time that Prime Minister Tony Blair, it seems, was obliged to blackmail Deputy Assistant Commissioner John Yates - who had taken over the Morgan inquiry - when he was also investigating the honours for cash scandal, I made no attempt to determine who the woman was, preferring to allude to how her apparent existence might have determined Greater Mancester Police Chief Constable Mike Todd's demise. Now I suggest that the woman was Chantal Hayward, Christopher's wife, and mother of his child Tarik, though they had been separated since 1982. Christopher Hayward was then living with another woman, Jamille.

Chantal Heubi was Swiss, and had married Christopher in 1972. "Together they set off on the 'Happy Trail'," Simon Hayward wrote in Under Fire: My Own Story, "drifting through Thailand, Bali and India. They also lived in various parts of Europe before finally settling on Ibiza, one of the Balearic Islands off the east coast of Spain." (p. 43) They became disciples aka Sannyassans or Orange People of the Indian Guru Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh who first established a new wave rehabilitation complex in Bombay, and then moved it to a more luxurious site at nearby Poona. "How Christopher came under this influence," Simon added, "I do not know. I presume it was during his travels in India, or even from the commune on Ibiza, but he took to dressing from head to toe in pinch baggy clothes which caused a certain amount of eyebrow-raising on his infrequent visits home." (p. 44)

After Chantal and Christopher separated, they still lived close to one another, occupying two houses near to one another. When Simon visited his brother there on several occasions during the mid 1980s, he visted Chantal and her son too. By this time Chantal was living with Canadian Jim White. "Chantal was a lovely person," Simon explained, "tall and slim, in her mid thirites with long brown hair....She was a perfect mother, loving, caring and gentle, but at the same time firm and encouraging to Tarik." (p. 57) Before Simon Hayward set out on his fateful trip to Sweden, he and his girl friend Sandra 'Sands' Agar visited Chantal and her son twice, and took Tarik to a Spanish barbacue.

With this background, it seems almost certain that Chantal was the woman interviewed in the East Croydon railway station, and who wrote to Gorst two weeks later. Of course, she could not expose herself to everyone by stating that she was Christopher's wife, so she said only that she had met him, Cay Forbes Mitchell and a Rajneesh cult member called Macunda during 1977 in Poona, India.

How would she otherwise know things like this: "Christopher Hayward, his Rajneesh name is Lokesh, is the organising force behind the smuggling. He has disappeared from his home in Ibiza several weeks ago, and his mother Mrs Hazel Hayward is terribly worried and believes he may have been murdered by contacts in the drugs world" (Quoted from p.177.), especially when Christopher finally called his mother in London of June 11th to reassure her about his well-being, and Simon went out of his way to say that the call had nothing to do with his changing his statement rather than the letter Gorst had received.

Of course, if the letter writer was willing to come forward in any legal proceeding, no matter where it was held, her testimony would have been far more persuasive that anything the missing Christopher could have claimed since she believed that Simon may well have been set up by still others that she was willing to name. This could clearly involve DUKE aka DOOK, apparently the British Army's Force Research Unit's top tout in the Provisional IRA Council, code-name 'Steak knife', and his handler, Heather Weissand, apparently aka Sergeant Margaret Walshaw. Despite the risks, the writer hoped that Gorst would expose the whole drugs conspiracy, especially British involvement in it, so that justice could be served for everyone, especially Simon Hayward. (ibid.)

Chantal Hayward's hopes in writing Gorst proved totally unfounded. Instead of using his authority as a Member of Parliament to insure that law-enforcement authorities in both Stockholm and London did their duty, he used his Early Day Motion on June 29th merely to complain about Swedish violation of Simon Hayward's human rights by holding him without charge for so long rather than he had information that he was totally innocent of what they suspected. Gorst contended that the Swedes were simply holding Simon in solitary confinement until he confessed to the crime. (Quoted on pp. 179-80.) Gorst used his influence with The Daily Telegraph to threaten it with a libel action for stating that he was acting for Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in his dealings with the Hayward case - for which he was voluntarily award significant damages - rather than reveal the contents of the letter he had received.

Christopher Hayward served his estranged wife even worse when he called his mother again on June 30th. In it, he falsely claimed that the Simon set-up by DUKE was intended for him, but that he had passed it on innocently to his brother. When Christopher was told by his mother Hazel that her grandson Tarik had been threatened, and she threatened to tell someone about it, Christopher replied: "Not until Tarik goes to Canada, Mummy." (Quoted from p. 180.) She felt that the letter Gorst had received was so important to the case that she asked him if he had been in Poona in 1977. He, according to Simon, unbelieveably replied. "No, I have never been there in my life." (p. 181) He ended the conversation by saying that he would not call again.

By this time, Chantal had gone into hiding in Ibiza, adding even more fears to her mother-in-law since she did not answer any telephone calls. In fact, Hazel was so worried that she had a friend go to the island to try and locate her, and he was, finally, able to locate her. Since Chantal herself had not been threatened, she declined to return to Britain, thinking that since she, her boyfriend, and Tarik would be leaving for Canada in a week, they would be safe.

"A couple of days later," Simon added, "Chantal telephoned my mother to say that she knew who was behind the drugs run in Sweden. It had nothing to do with Simon, and neither was Chris directly involved. I am flying to London en route for Canada next week, and I will tell you everything then. I will speak to Simon's lawyers if you wish, and I am also prepared to testify in his defence. on Chris's behalf, in court" (Quoted from p. 182)

Since the call was obviously monitored by GCHQ in Cheltenhan, and passed along to the security services, particularly MI6, it set off alarm bells there. Since it had already seen, it seems, to Morgan's murder, there was no turning back now since she might well spill the beans while in London. For good measure, Gorst tabled two more Early Day Motions in the Commons about the case, ones which complained about the alleged violations of Simon's human rights in Sweden rather than he had been set up by others in Ibiza, and a vital witness, who was soon coming to London, was willing to come out, and testify about it all.

LIttle wonder that Chantal was apparently murdered a few days later during the night of July 6-7 after a party like the one Simon and Sands had attended four months earlier. She died of a massive overdose, injected into her left forearm, just below the elbow, though she was not known to have taken hard drugs, and her doctor said she had never injected herself with anything. There was, it seems, no real inquest into the cause of her death. While Simon was certain she had been murdered, especially because she was left-handed (pp. 185-7), Gorst made no mention of the facts when he made yet three more Early Day Motion about Simon's plight in Stockholm since he had finally been indicted for drug-trafficking. Gorst could only allude to her "mysterious death" in his introduction to Simon's book (p. 7) when he was soon scheduled to be released from prison after having served half of his five-year sentence.

Soon after Simon returned to England in September 1989, Met SB Detective Chief Inspector David Palmer-Hall went missing from his Sussex home, and it seems the result of Hayward's actions, particularly because of what had happened to Chantal. Palmer-Hall was liaising with MI6 when Palme was assassinated, and former SB Commander Rollo Watts, working for KMS's parent firm Saladin, had assured him and the Swedes that no former SAS personnel or mercanaries in Britain had signed up to shoot the statsminister, as Duncan Campbell reported in a June 1988 issue of The New Statesman. George Galloway, the controversial, former Labour MP so well-connected to Britain's security services, later asked the Home Office about Palmer-Hall's safe release. It apparently occurred because Hayward was told what would have happened if she had not been murdered - i. e., the whole conspiracy assassination of Sweden's Palme would have unraveled, particularly at his expense.

Instead of getting Palmer-Hall, Hayward got a new identify - Capatain James Rennie - who not only published a sanitized account of his covert service in the 14 Intelligence Company, The Operators: On the streets with Britain's Most Secret Service, but also apparently new employment with the Home Office's Organised and International Crime Directorate. It is the latest descendant of the National Drugs Intelligence Unit which saw to his imprisonment in the first place.

And here Chantal's apparent murder remained until the fifth inquiry into Morgan's killing, the one led by Met Detective Superintendent Dave Cook, finally got round to arresting all those who had been suspected from the very beginning. The previous investigations had been plagued by police complicity in the inquiries, false imprisonment awards for those suspected but clearly not involved, the threats of more such suits, false leads to other crimes, especially the Brinks-MAT heist near Heathrow in 1983, etc. Even when Cook's group got serious about the murder, the Home Office still refused to release information from a previous inquiry - what was only remedied by a High Court order - and the Crown Prosecution Service has already declined to prosecute the leaders now rearrested, former detective sergeant at Catford Police Station Sid Fillery and former Morgan business associate Jonathon Rees. Monday's arrests seem like an act of damage limitation.

The best evidence of this is that sixth person involved, 24-year old PC Dean Vian, has been suspended from duty on suspicion of having leaked information about the latest inquiry to his father and uncle, Garry and Glenn Vian. It buggers belief that such a person would have been assigned to a south London police station when his relatives are the leading, long sought suspects in the notorious murder, especially given the Met's long history of its officers colluding with criminals in all kinds of ways. Dean Vian never should have been in such a position, and his being so can only be an organisational contrivance to strengthen a weak case against the accused.

The reason for it seems to be that Cook's group was too optimistic about what it would come up with from the outset. It made another CrimeWatch appeal in June 2002 for the woman interviewed on June 1, 1987 in East Croydon to reappear, offering a £50,000 reward if she did so, as Cook explained:
"I'm seeking the public who may know something about the case or some who, through a change of attitudes or allegiance, may come forward with a piece of information that will allow us to solve the murder. I'm targeting a very small number of people:" ("Police make crime watch appeal," The Western Mail, June 26, 2002) Cook apparently didn't know that the person he was particularly seeking was long dead.

While Home Office opposition slowed progress in the inquiry, Cook was still optimistic about having the unknown white woman come forward when he met with members of Morgan's family and Met's Assistant Deputy Commissioner John Yates four years later, as Jane Bruccoleri explained in "20 year hunt for axe murderer" in The Croydon Guardian on November 15, 2006: "Officers say new information that has recently come to light corresponds with what she told police in 1987 and now detectives urgently need to speak with her." While police explained that she had only given her first name, it would have meant a lot if he had said "Chantal" - a person many people could have identified. Moreover, the police could have determined if she was the person who met their female police officer in East Croydon by consulting the photographs in Simon's book since there is one of her and her husband Chris in it while they were living in Switzerland in 1975.

Since the police have become more and more pessimistic about her ever coming forward as the case has finally resulted in the arrest of five suspects in Morgan's murder, it seems most likely that the group, now led by John Yates, knows Chantal is the person they were looking, but she will never come forward for obvious reasons. One can only wonder how far this secret had circulated within the Metropolitan Police and further afield.

I think quite widely, especially because of my own efforts in the matter. Soon after I arrived in Sweden, I began investigating the Palme assassination, and I wrote around 20 letters to the Palme Group of the Rikskriminalpolisen, headed by Stig Edqvist. I even wrote several letters about it to Säpo's director Jan Danielsson. Having satisfied myself that Simon Hayward had a case to answer in the assassination, I then sent all kinds of letters, outlines and articles about it to Prime Minister Tony Blair, the Home Office's Organised & International Crime Directorate, the Foreign Office, the Secretary of the Defence, Press and Broadcasting Advisor Committee, and the Northern Ireland Office. Almost all of them were acknowledged, but I never received any satisfactory answers to my claims.

Without going through the whole, tiresome business yet again, I shall only repeat the last letter I received from the Organised & International Crime Directorate:

"Mr Trowbridge H Ford Esq
Sporrvagen 9
181 41 Lidingo
14 February 2001

Dear Mr Trowbridge Ford,

Thank you for your letter dated 20 January 2001 that you sent to the Prime Minister, concerning Olof Palme, a copy of which was also sent to Mr D Payne, who has corresponded with you several times on the subject. There is nothing useful that can be added to Mr Payne's earlier replies and I can only reiterate that if you have proof that Olof Palme was indeed assassinated, then you should present this evidence to the relevant authorities, namely the police.

Your faithfully

JR (Signed)
Administrative Officer"

In addition, the envelope was printed with my address on it in the same scraggly hand.

I am confident that this letter was written either by James Rennie aka Simon Hayward or someone acting like him, showing just how arrogant and assured British security authorities are in dealing with this whole matter.

And I have no doubt that much of this information was communicated to John Yates, in one way or another, while he and his men were querying the Prime Minister and his subordinate about the honours for cash scandal, explaining why they were unable to reach any telling conclusions about it and the Morgan murder.

And when Greater Manchester Police Chief Constable Michael Todd got wind of it - in light of the cover up which had resulted in his investigation of Britain's collusion in the CIA rendition program, and the cock ups which had occurred in the unnecessary murders of Stephen Oake and Jean Charles de Menezes - he was most anxious to get even with Downing Street and it minions, explaining why it was decided to kill him, and in a way which would seem to be of his own doing.

Todd, it seems, was contacted in early March by someone feigning to be the long-wanted witness Cook's group had been looking for aka Chantal, and he was ecstatic about the possibilities resulting from a most secret meeting with her. She must have been an operative from the security services, like the FRU's Margaret Walshaw in the Chatal murder. They selected Mount Snowdon as the safest spot possible, and arranged to meet late Monday, March 10th. Todd sent even over-the-top, affectionate text messages to friends, especially his wife Caroline, about what was in store. Todd even brought along a bottle a champagne to celebrate the reappearance of the apparently most cautious witness.

When they finally met up on the slopes of Snowdonia - in cirumstances that the GPM had made completely free of other people - and had a few drinks, he was apparently bushwhacked by others, stripped of his overcoat, and tasered with 50,000 volts in the back, causing immediate cardiac arrest, and falling into a coma on his face in the snow, dying a few hours later.

It was a fitting end for Todd's enemies, the guys and gals who hated the 'coppers' cop' who liked to pull off such risky stunts for the media.

Thursday, 17 April 2008

Tony Blair Saved Self at Morgan's & Todd's Expense

by Trowbridge H. Ford

In laying out my case against Britain's covert government during the collapse of the Soviet Union - i. e., what it hoped to trigger by the assassination of Sweden's statsminister Olof Palme, and resulted in the murders of several others, especially South London private detective Daniel Morgan, to help keep it covered up - I never got around to where it rests now, only concluding with the Home Office's 2002 refusal to establish a police inquiry into why Morgan was murdered. The reason why the Blair government refused is that it knew that any serious investigation would expose the whole dirty mess.

Thanks to continuing pressure by Morgan's family, though, the Metropolitan Police Authority (MPA)
ordered yet another inquiry, a fifth one, into the brutal murder shortly thereafter, headed by Detective Superintendant Dave Cook. He picked a team of investigators from outside the area to make sure that it was not plagued by the problems of earlier ones, especially its being infiltrated by the murderers themselves, especially detective sergeant Sid Fillery. Fillery was a close friend of Morgan associate in Southern Investigations and another suspect in it, Jonathon Rees, and he even replaced Morgan in the detective agency after he had been forced to retire.

Cook's team was very interested in making renewed contact with a white woman who had come forward after a BBC Crimewatch appeal in June 1987, three months after Morgan's murder had occurred. She was interviewed by a femal police officer in the East Croydon railway station, as Cook explained just last year: "One of the motives that we are investigating is the Daniel was killed because he was about to expose a drugs conspiracy which was potentially linked into police corruption." ("New suspects in detective murder," BBC News, June 5, 2007) Cook's investigators said that they knew the woman's first name, but they have never released it and it might not be her real one anyway.

It just so happened that MP John Gorst, who was trying to obtain Captain Simon Hayward's release in Sweden from a drug-trafficking charge, received a letter from someone on June 15, 1987, sounding very much like the same woman, as Hayward recounted in Under Fire: My Own Story:

"Dear Mr Gorst
In today's Daily Telegraph you were quoted as saying you believed Captain Simon Hayward to be innocent of the drug smuggling. This may well be so.
The man arrested with Captain Hayward, Cay Forbes Mitchell and also Christopher Hayward, Captain Hayward's brother, are both members of the Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh cult, so too is Macunda, spelt wrongly in the Telegraph as Macumba.
I know several people who were told by Christopher Hayward and Macunda that the drugs they were carrying was cannabis, when in fact it was heroin, and some were caught and imprisoned.
Christopher Hayward, his Rajneesh name is Lokesh, is the organizing force behind the smuggling. He has disappeared from his home in Ibiza several weeks ago, and his mother Hazel Hayward is terribly worried and believes that he may have been murdered by his contacts in the drugs world.
Also involved with the men arrested in Sweden is Michael Scott who was arrested at Dover early in May of (t)his year when returning from Amsterdam with £5,000 worth of drugs.
Scott is also a Rjaneesh follower, his name is Meru and is a long time friend and fellow drug dealer with the three men mentioned above. Scott is on bail awaiting trial.
I could give you names of other Rajneesh followers who are also drug smuggling, but so far there is no evidence against them.
As my MP perhaps you could do something to bring this into the open. The Rajneesh organisation is deeply involved in drug smuggling, here in England, in Europe and also in India.
I was a Rajneesh follower for eight years, and saw what was going on.
Please excuse me if I don't give my name, the risks involved are quite real.
Yours sincerely, etc." (Quoted from pp. 176-7.)

While Gorst passed the letter along to Scotland yard, it (and he apparently) did nothing about it, as the failure to follow up what the woman at the East Croydon train station was volunteering indicates. And the reason is obvious - it did not want to get to the bottom of the drugs conspiracy because of police and MI6 involvement in it. The anonymous letter writer was quite possibly one of MI6's agents who had infiltrated Rajneesh's bodyguard protection aka 'The Samurai Department'.

Cook's team still seemed to be making progress in Morgan's murder, discovering his old Austin Healey in a lock up in south-east London in October 2006, and hoping to find evidence, especially DNA material, which would tie suspects of the crime. Three men, apparently Rees, bodyguard Paul Goodridge, and Fillery, had already been arrested, and released on bail, and now there were apparently two more suspects, along with two 'supergrasses' who were wílling to tell tales. In November 2006, there was a meeting between members of Morgan's family, Cook, Met Deputy Assistant Commissioner John Yates, and MPA chairman Len Duvall which discussed the history of the case, and what still needed to be done. "We are cautiously optimistic," Alastair Morgan, Daniel's brother, explained, "that someone will be charged." ("3 held in 20-year murder mystery,", October 29,2006)

John Yates was yet another member of the Mets' Untouchables who knew that the group had only scratched the surface when it came to its corruption during the '80s and 90s. He had served in London's North and West while the biggest problems were the over 20 murders which had occurred in the south. Still, he led one of its most complex corruption inquiries which resulted in the imprisonment of six serving detectives for sentences totalling 46 years.(Operation Russia)

Yates's hopes for settling the Morgan murder were completely dashed, though, when he ran into Prime Minister Tony Blair over the cash for honours scandal. No sooner did his investigators start questioning the Labour Leader and his colleagues at Number 10 over the allegation that four life peerages had been given to persons had made loans to the party before the last General Election than the optimism about solving the murder began to evaporate. By June 2007, when the third series of interviews about the honours scandal were carried out, Yates's investigators were sounding much less hopeful, as Ian Herbert explained: "Despite the technological advances at their disposal, the police do not seem to feel they have a single, incontrovertable piece of evidence against their suspects."
("Twenty years on, police close in on detective'sa killers," Independent, June 9, 2007)

Nothing has happened since then in the Morgan case.

And Yates was hardly holding back when he explained what or who was responsible for the unsatisfactory investigation of the honours scandal to the Commons Public Administration Committee: "I think it would be quite obvious to all people who that was." ("Honours officer defends inquiry," BBC News, October 23, 2007)

The obvious answer, it seems, to the failure of both inquiries is that that departing Prime Minister made it quite clear to Yates that if he made him sound like another Lloyd George when it came to giving out honours for cash, he would see to the appointment of a police inquiry into the Morgan murder which would make the Met seem like a den of drug pushers and murderers.

And when Mike Todd threatened to revive the Mets' case without any serious blackmailing material to be used against him - as the tabloid campaign against him for fornicating has demonstrated - he had to be murdered, and the security services were pleased to oblige.

Friday, 11 April 2008

Media Calling In IOUs During Mike Todd Murder Coverup

by Trowbridge H. Ford

In the development of Western democracies, it was hardly suprising that all elements in them, especially the police and the media, became increasingly corrupted by the process. They were just too central to it, and had too many opportunities along the way for these well-established, underpaid professions not to take advantage of any opportunity they had, even illegal ones, once they saw that they were being left behind by the more respected ones, like doctors and lawyers. While the cops and hacks had traditionally been seen as the defenders against corrupt interests in the state and society, especially organized crime, it was not too long before its members started to close the gap in pay and prequisites with other professions by taking liberties with their powers of punishment, disclosure, and independence so as to enrich themselves both financially and in prestige.

It was during the 20th century that policemen and reporters belatedly took advantage of their opportunities, initiatives, and independence in society at the expense of the public. After the end of the alarms caused by the Napoleonic Wars, of course, such incidents had occurred - e. g., coppers fixing up suspects as criminals in order to help themselves, reporters making up stories about complicated irregularities to satisfy certain interests and individuals rather than seeking the truth, investigators assuming a certain result to a mysterious incident and then finding evidence which apparently proved their assumptions, hacks cutting corners in investigating matters of great public interest to beat their competitors in getting the story, etc. - but they became more and more institutionalized as the age of extremes progressed, to use historian Eric Hobsbawn's term for it.

The media relied on the police on getting the essentials about almost all crimes, and the coppers made sure that it received what it wanted the public to see. Along the way, they both coopted as many other organizations in the state and society as they could to help them in getting their way. The cops used interests within state confines, like the Masons, to increase their power and prosperity while the media relied upon mass productions in all kinds of venues to get its message across. "By the century's end," Hobsbawn concluded in The Age of Extremes, "large numbers of citizens were withdrawing from politics, leaving the affairs of state to the 'political class' - the phrase seems to have originated in Italy - who read each others' speeches and editorials, a special-interest group of professional politicians, journalists, lobbyists and others whose occupations ranked at the bottom of the scale of trustworthiness in sociological enquiries." (p. 81)

In the UK, police, defense, and intelligence officials are also part of its 'political class', thanks to The Troubles in Northern Ireland, and what has now come to infect the mainland with the so-called war on terror. The police traditionally relied upon the public - whether to report incidents, to provide confirming evidence, or pass judgment in court after investigations concluded, especially through various kinds of juries - but now they increasingly rely upon their own resources to make a case in any controversy, especially a criminal one, and count on the press to help confirm in the courts, and with the public at large. Through the use of informers, threats of injunctions, DA notices from The Defence, Press and Broadcasting Advisory Committee (DPBAC), Public Interest Immunity certificates, disinformers on the internet, and former associates in the private sector, particularly alleged whistleblowers and private detectives, these securocrats are able to insure that the press only publishes pretty much what they want the public to see.

And the media is most happy with this comprehensive control of really controversial disputes since it allows it to print most fanciful reports about almost anything with impunity while more qualified military and intelligence reporters refrain from publishing almost anything the least bit controversial. As Admiral Nick Wilkinson, the DPBAC's Secretary, explained in an issue of Eye Spy! magazine: "The DA notice is an attempt at balancing the need for operational secrecy against the need for the public to hear of cover-ups, illegal actions and gross inefficiency in the spending of taxpayers' money," (Issue 8 2002, p. 77) Of course, where operational secrecy should end, and these other issues should come into play is a matter of debate, especially if those involved decide to keep an operation going for the most ill-defined, long-range purposes.

If anyone doubts the impact of such individuals and procedures on the media's performance, much less the criminal justice system, just recall, for example, what happened to John Stalker's inquiry into the Shoot-to-Kill murders during the 1982 emergency in Northern Ireland's South Armagh, thanks to the allegations against him by informer David Burton aka Burtelstein; how threats of injunctions and the use of DA notices have complemented the process by insuring that the public never learned anything really important about how British security services were colluding with all kinds of people, particularly in the Ulster Defence Association, with impunity there on a much wider scale; and how rules prohibiting government agents from dealing with the press are circumvented by intermediaries, especially by alleged whistleblowers like Richard Tomlinson, David Shayler, Oswald Le Winter, Gordon Logan, and Annie Machon, and former agents who are in the security business, like private detectives Daniel Morgan, Duncan Hanrahan, and Jonathon Rees.

Only the beginning of this whole, rotten process has been disclosed, and only then by usually dragging in the KGB as if it had something essential to do with it. In November 1969, The Times published taped conversations it had recorded, showing that Met policemen, especially Detective Sergeant John Symonds, were taking large bribes from criminals like south London gang boss Charles Richardson in order to facilitate continuing criminal activity, especially drug trafficking, across the board. When Symonds fled the country in 1972 while awaiting trial at the Old Bailey, the press was obliged to go after bigger fish in the massive scandal, resulting in 1977 in its Chief Superintendant Bill Moody being sentenced to twelve years in prison for taking bribes over eight years from Soho pornographers so that they could continue their lucrative, illegal business. Moody's whole network was linked to the Masons.

After Symonds returned to Britain in 1980 to face the music for his petty crimes at the Met instead of what he had been doing during the interim for the Soviets, the crime wave continued, thanks particularly to the fact that many of its investigators, especially in the Mets' Criminal Intelligence Branches 2 and 3, were still Masons. The biggest criminal success was the £26,000,000 gold bullion heist at Brinks-MAT outside Heathrow Airport in 1983. The success of the operation depended upon the growing number of private detective agencies, often headed by former coppers with Mason connections, which kept the honest police and media guessing about what was going on, and why. To counteract this lack of intelligence, the Central Drugs and Illegal Immigrants Intelligence Unit was created, soon to be split into two - one of which was the National Drugs Intelligence Unit (NDIU) - because of the growing scope of the problems.

Along with the growing international character of crime, and of law-enforcement to contain it was the growth of private detective agencies and bodyguard services to protect the individuals involved, whatever their occupation, from risks. Daniel Morgan and Jonathon Rees established Southern Investigations which employed off-duty policemen to do its work, some of which was so criminal that it led to a falling out between them over the disappearnce of the funds from a used-car sale. Southern relied heavily upon the input from Met detective Duncan Hanrahan who established his own detective service when he was required to retire because of injuries suffered during a robbery. Then the protection of private persons, especially mobsters and gurus, was becoming a more professional business, as Tony Geraghty has written in The Bullet Catchers: Bodyguards and the World of Close Protection, the better of them hardly distinguishable from the government agencies they previously worked for. (p. 274ff.)

All distinctions between poachers and gamekeepers in the security business disappeared when Paul Goodridge, a 'heavy' bodyguard for some of London's starlets, learned, it seems, in early 1987 that Captain Simon Hayward, while on leave from Northern Ireland's 14 Intelligence Company to reassess the performance of statsminister Olof Palme's bodyguards for Major David Walker's KMS security firm at the end of February 1986, had assassinated him when no one was looking. Now the NDIU was fixing him up as a drug trafficker in Sweden in order to reduce any possible blowback since Swedish investigators were still looking for likely suspects for the crime. The information had apparently come from what it had learned about the role of Met Special Branch officer, Detective Chief Inspector David Palmer-Hall's liaising with MI6, and a former Special Branch Commander Rollo Watts who worked with KMS's cover company, Saladin Security. Never in law enforcement and journalism had there ever been a hotter story.

Morgan was ectastic about the possibilities of the exposé, claiming that he could get £250,000 for it from a newspaper in Fleet Street, apparently Robert Maxwell's Daily Mirror, once the details of the claims were nailed down. 'Cap'n Bob' was hoping to provide Labour with something significant to slow down the Thatcher juggernaut. Maxwell, allegedly an MI6 agent, was said to be financing Labour Leader Neil Kinnock's private office. To do this, Morgan and Rees arranged a meeting with Goodridge in the parking lot of the Golden Lion pub in South London's Sydenham on March 10, 1987. The only trouble was that Goodridge did not appear at the time stated, and Rees got tired awaiting, leaving Morgan alone. Shortly later, Morgan was brutally murdered by an axe-wielding thug - quite possibly police informer, and Kray brothers-connected David Norris - splitting open his head.

The reason for the vicious murder was to warn anyone else, so tempted, of the consequences. Its timing was dictated by the fact that the NDIU, MI6, the British Army's Force Research Unit and others were already deeply involved in setting up Hayward for drug-trafficking in Sweden. Brother Christopher's Jaguar - which had allegedly been bought by someone in Sweden, and Simon was to deliver there - had already been packed with 50.5 kilos of cannabis, and he was already on his way from Barcelona there. The article that Morgan had in mind, if published, would have blown the Thatcher government sky high, catching it red-handed in a complicated coverup of what it had done to the statsminister. It would have been worse than Hayward having been caught red-handed in Stockholm, as London could claim that he was just a gamekeeper who had somehow become a poacher.

Hayward, at first, did not take his arrest in Sweden seriously, thinking that it was just some horrible mistake, but he became increasingly concerned when Swedish prosecutors took most seriously claims by the NDIU' s Detective Inspector David Morgan and Detective Sergeant Brian Moore contended - i. e., his brother Christopher was a professional cannabis trafficker, Simon was driving his Jaguar when he was arrested, had full knowledge that drugs were concealed in it, was paid £20,000 for providing the courier service, and did so also because of the 'excitement' it provided (Under Fire:My Own Story (p. 147ff.) - allegations which were made by drugs dealer Brian Walsh and auto mechnic 'Ronnie Butcher' in England, and confirmed by Forbes Cay Mitchell in Sweden. While the two NDIU officers discussed Simon's guilt without his lawyer present, they did not attend his trial, relying upon the hearsay evidence they had obtained about him to secure his conviction. And they were forbidden from revealing the sources of their information.

While the two NDIU's detectives were convinced of Hayward's guilt (pp.136-8) despite the fact that it was totally based upon hearsay evidence, other British official were not so convinced, apparently assuming that it would achieve the desired result in court, and it did. The Mets' Assistant Commissioner Colin Hewett refused to allow Morgan and Moore to appear at any hearing in Sweden since their information would be inadmissible in any English court. (p. 171) Douglas Hurd, the Home Secretary, had asked by fellow MP John Gorst to have HM's Chief Inspector of Constabulary to investigate the exhange of criminal intelligence between the UK and other countries in light of the Hayward case. (p. 194) And while Gorst was most critical of Swedish authorities in allowing the trial to proceed - resulting in Hayward's conviction, and a sentence of five years in prison - he was most critical of the British media's performance during it, exclaiming: "God save us from a trial by the monsters of the British press!" (Quoted from p. 260.)

The investigation of Daniel Morgan's murder was even less satisfying. The investigating team included a close friend of suspect Jonathon Rees who was removed from it when the relationship was discovered, and he then went on to replace the deceased Morgan at Southern Investigations. The head of the investigation, Detective Sergeant Douglas Campbell, was much more interested in discrediting the claim that Morgan was on to a big story for which some newspaper was willing to pay £250,000, dismissing it as "quite ludicrous", rather than solving the murder. "To earn that much from Fleet Street," he explained away about the small -time detective, "Daniel Morgan had to have been on to something very big." While Campbell's team made a attempt to try Rees, Goodridge, and his girl friend Jean Wisden, it got nowhere, as did three subsequent attempts, along with most belated his inquest. For more on this, see this link:

In Morgan's case, though, the absence of serious press interest in it was most surprising, only causing one to wonder why. And this continued after more likely suspect David Norris - still confused with a relative with the same name suspected of having helped kill Stephen Lawrence a decade later - in the Morgan killing was himself murdered, and Robert Maxwell, head of the Mirror Group Newspapers, followed, allegedly falling off his luxury yacht Lady Ghislaine on November 5, 1991 while on his way to a crucial meeting with Israelis in the Canaries to save his crumbling media empire.

For the more conspiratorially minded, investigative journalist Seymour Hersh had set him up as a Mossad agent by alluding so while publicizing his new book, The Samson Option, about Israel's nuclear capability. The story was that Maxwell had tipped off the Mossad about Mordecai Vanunu's tipping off his Daily Mirror and arch-rival the Sunday Times about what Tel Aviv was doing in the field, resulting in his 'honey trap' in Rome, and his kidnapping back to Israel. For slow-learners in the media about the matter, infamous Israeli agent Air Ben-Menashi passed the claims along to various MPs, resulting in their repeating them under the protection of parliamentary privilege.

When 'Cap'n Bob' heard about it, he still had his solicitors issue writs of libel against the offenders despite the alleged protection, and fired foreign political editor Nick Davies for the inconvenience caused, stating that the Mossad claim about him was "ludicrous, a total invention". His apparent murder stopped the real examination of who he was working for, what he really knew about covert operations, and what he was willing to print.

While the performance of the police and the media seemed to improve after Maxwell's death, appearances were largely misleading. In 1992, the National Criminal Intelligence Service (NCIS) was created to correct what the NDIU had failed to achieve - "to develop and assess information and intelligence on serious crimes and major criminals and to disseminate that intelligence to the police, other law-enforcement agencies and government departments." (Quoted from Michael Smith, New Cloak, Old Dagger, p. 235.) To clean up with the coninuing criminal mess in the Metropolis, the Met created the Untouchables group whose performance has been discussed in the book by the same title that Guardian investigative reporters Michael Gillard and Laurie Flynn have written.

The only trouble with these changes is the baggage that the personnel of the new organization brought with them. While it is reassuring to note that former Chief Commissioners of the Metropolitan Police Sir Paul Condon and Lord Stevens of Kirkwhelpington helped clean up the mess surrounding the continuing activites of Southern Investigation and Hanrahan Associates, their activities just became more covert. While Hanrahan as a 'supergrass' helped jail Rees and his own partner Martin King, another former detective constable, he too went to jail when it was discovered that he was not telling the whole story by any means. The Untouchables thought that he, of all people, could lead them to Daniel Morgan's killers, as Rees himself was taped saying: "Hanrahan said what (they) want to do is to fuck us all. He said they keep talking about the Morgan murder every time they see me."

What is even more disturbing is that Ian Blair, Andy Hayman, Brian Moore, and Mike Todd belonged to it too until it closed down in 1998. Hayman was forced to resign this past December over the cock-up aka "unfounded rumors" concerning the murder of unarmed Jean Charles de Menezes the day after the 7/21 attempted bombings in London in 2005. Hayman thought he was some kind of 21st century Eliot Ness, informing a few crime reporters about the terrible fiasco rather than briefing his boss, Ian Blair, about what really happened. Little wonder that his most vulnerable chief was willing to throw him to the dogs in order to stay on.

The most disturbing member of the Untouchables, though, was Brian Moore. One would have thought that since he helped throw Hayward to the dogs under false pretences would have disappeared from official view, along with the NDIU. He is best known for saying this to Hayward after he and Morgan had talked to alleged fellow traffícker Forbes Mitichell in Sweden: "We saw him last night, and he has confirmed all the information we hold. So it does not really matter what you say now." (Quoted from Under Fire, p. 139.) And once the Untouchables were closed down, Moore became Surrey's Chief Constable, making it a model county in reducing crime, and he has just recently gone on to Wiltshire to clean up its law-enforcement mess.

And if anyone is tempted to think that Moore's advancement is just a one-off, my research indicates that his superior at NDIU, David Morgan, became the Press Officer for the Gloucestershire Constabulary to justify Home Office help when it came to expenses after it became increasingly bogged down in convicting serial killers Frederick and Rosemany West, so the rise of politicized police officers in Britain is established practice no matter how dirty it gets.

As for Todd's role with the Untouchables, it seems to be without blemish, but this seems to have been his problem - knowing too much dirt about the others - especially since he was beginning to sound personally more and more like Eliot Ness himself. The famous flying policeman who destroyed Al Capone's drug operations in Chicago with the help of the press during the 'thirties did so at the expense of two failed marriages, a bad drinking habit, and a most active social life.

As for the operational failures of the Untouchables, they took too seriously what Hanrahan and Rees cooked up about Daniel Morgan's murder, apparently at the behest of MI6 - explaining why it is now such a convoluted mess that the Crown will not touch it under any circumstances - but other disinformation which suits MI6's director general Sir John Scarlett to a tee - especially their claims that The Palace, especially the Duke of Edinburgh, was behind the killing of Princess Diana and Jodi Al Fayed. Rees and Hanrahan were constantly caught on tape, stating that they were feeding the press with all kinds of stories about men shagging some Princess in Buckingham Palace, an obvious coded allusion to the Princess - what became a feeding frenzy thanks to the efforts of MI6 agents like Tomlinson, Shayler, Le Winter and Machon. As she wrote approvingly of in Spies, Lies & Whistleblowers, she and Shayler were convinced that MI6 had conspired to kill them - the same way that it had tried unsuccessfully to kill Gaddafi. (pp. 213-4)

Regarding the paparazzo, James Andanson, who arranged the crash, Machon added: "In August 1998 former MI6 officer Richard Tomlinson gave a sworn statement about Andanson's connections to MI6, which has a long record of using journalists ajnd photographers as agents." (p. 214) Tomlinson told a French judge that MI6 had planned to kill Yugoslavia's President Slobodan Milosevic in the same way, and that the manager of the Ritz in Paris, apparently Henri Paul where the couple was staying, also worked for the agency. "But if one matter convinces David and me that MI6," she concluded, "is implicated in the crash, it is the involvement of Oswald or Oscar Le Winter, a conman and intelligence nuisance with connections to MI6. In April 1998, Oscar of Oswald Le Winter tried to sell an alleged telegram indicating CIA and MI6 collusion in the assassination to the Al Fayed family for $20,000,000." (p. 216)

Given the fact that all these statements were either false or misleading - what was intended to cover up killings MI6 had really sanctioned, going all the way back to the Palme one - it was hardly surprising that Gordon Logan even joined their chorus of disinformation, claiming that MI6 had also killed Bulgarian dissident Georgi Markov in London in 1978 and Maxwell too, but not in a way which made any sense. Logan claimed that MI6 killed Maxwell to force MI6 to help seek the release of former KGB Chief, and failed coup leader in Moscow in August 1991 Vladimir Kryuchkov - what MI6's resident in Moscow John Scarlett at the time would never approve of because of his previous besting by the Soviet service, and didn't prove necessary since President Boris Yeltsin agreed to the release without any prodding, much less murders. But to spice up the claim, Logan alluded to Princess Diana having been killed with the help of then MI6 director Richard Dearlove, concluding on this note: "Because of MI6's involvement in obvious murders JIC Chairman Michael Pakenham has created top secret committee to gag British media because of article which appeared in 1999." For more on his deceptions, see this link:

With this whole deck of cards threatening to collapse with the final verdict of the Diana killing being imminent, and Todd himself spoiling for a fight with the Untouchables because of how they had treated him during the investigation of UK collusion in the CIA rendition program, it was imperative that he be eliminated immediately, and with the full support of the media - what we have seen occurred on March 10th and llth on Snowdonia. The only hiccup in the process was the unexpected interview that Peter Walker gave Alan Rimmer and Andrew Chapman - what appeared in the Mail on Sunday, March 30th, and is posted below.

To make up for the faux pax, Rimmer and Chapman posted an article last Sunday, stating that Todd had apparently been shagging black poet Sheryl Sleigh too, though she is saving her comments about their relationship for the inquest. And for good measure, Paul Bracci and Nick Craven added in "The last secret of a ladies' (police) man" that he was another relationship with former policewoman Tracy Clarke, who was suspected, along with Todd, with trying to help a criminal escape justice in typical Met fashion when it is threatened, though there was no shagging here. More important, they have information from a "recently retired senior officer", someone sounding much like GMP former detective chief superintendent Bernard Postles or someone acting in his stead, claiming that Mr. Robinson, husband of a former lover of Todd's, must have been the anonymous caller from the North who tipped off columnist Max Clifford well before Todd's killing about bringing down now a top police chief, when Mr. Robinson only learned of her relationship with Todd four days before his death.

Little wonder that the media have now obliged the PM to surprisingly back down on prison sanctions in the new privacy legislation against its reporters and policemen who violate the privacy of popular private persons, gurus, and important officials.

In sum, the UK really needs a gagging of its press, and a clean up of its police.