Assassinations of Jurgen Möllemann & Stephen Hilder Helped Set Up That of Dr. David Kelly

by Trowbridge H. Ford

When the 'shock and awe' campaign against Saddam Hussein started in Iraq, all kinds of security services knew that there would be devastating blowback because of all the propaganda that had been used to justify it, especially that he had weapons of mass destruction (WMD), so they took steps to limit it if at all possible. Director Meir Dagan's Mossad was the instrument of choice in the killings as it had provided the leading disinformer, and been given the green light by the various security services concerned to make sure that no officials were in a position to exploit it. And Dagan's problem-solving dealt mainly with shooting its source.

It was feared that Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic - the politician who had seen that Slobodan Milosevic was sent to The Hague to answer war crimes charges for the actions by his forces in Bosnia - would be the first to exploit the opportunity, so he was gunned down while he was meeting with like-minded Swedish Foreign Minister Anna Lindh in Belgrade in March, 2003 for fear that they would tighten the screws upon Israel because of the excesses it had engaged in to justify the war.

The killing of Djindjic was a good example of the old adage: "a stitch in time saves nine." While there had not yet been any opportunity on the ground to determine whether the Iraqi dictator had any WMD, his failure to use either nuclear or chemical ones during the bombing campagin to soften it up for invasion proved that he didn't have them. He had planned to do so before any Gulf war if he had had them. Then was the ideal time to use them - when American troops and those of its allies were massing in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and other Gulf states - and since he hadn't, they knew that the gig was up. And then was the time to kill a likely troublemaker like the Serbian Prime Minister, so it was then done.

Once this was accomplished, it then became a question of when the propaganda to justify it started to unravel, and who would become the most dangerous whistleblower. The obvious suspect was Jurgen Möllemann. the maverick Free Democrat Party (FDP) leader from North Rhine-Westphalia in Germany, given the razor-thin majority that Gerhard Schroeder's Social Democrats had in the Bundestag. Möllemann had started out as a member of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), but switiched to the FDP, being elected to the Bundesrat in 1972. He served as a minister of foreign affairs and secretary of state for education and then economic affairs in the coalition governments of Helmut Kohl.

He had to resign, however, in January 1993 after it was discovered that he had urged several chain stores to buy products made by a relatives' company. Then he resigned from the party in late 1994 when he was not asked by FDP leader Klaus Kinkel to attend coalition talks with Kohl's CDU. In June 1995, he stood against Wolfgang Gerhardt for the FDP leadership, but failed badly in the election. He still kept the leadership of the party's delegation in the the North-Rhine Westphaia parliament.(1) Out of government, he made big commissions by brokering arms deals, with the help of the Mossad, for Arab governments, thanks to his connections in Lebanon, Syria, and Israel.

In the lead-up to the 2002 Bundestag election, Möllemann tried to make the most of his leadership of the German-Arabic Society, championing the Palestinian cause, and claiming that the Federal Republic was as occupied as Palestine, thanks to the control that Jews had on its politics. He brought Syrian-born, Green Party representative Jamal Karsli, who claimed the Israeli Defense Force treated Palestinians with "Nazi methods", into its ranks, hoping that more Greens would follow suit. Möllemann supplied $981,000. allegedly out of his own pocket, for the printing of eight million leaflets, atttacking Prime Minister Ariel Sharon for his leadership of Israel. "Mr. Möllemann also accused a prominent German Jewish chatshow host, Michael Friedman, of encouraging anti-semitism because of his 'intolerant, spiteful manner.' " (2)

It was thought that Möllemann's attacks upon Jews hurt the FDP in the election, and he resigned from the party in March after he claimed in his best-selling book, Klartext (Frankly Speaking), that FDP leader Guido Westerwelle was being blackmailed by the Mossad, though keeping his seat in the Bundestag. "...Dogged by allegations of anti-semitism and sleaze," he became the object of an investigation for fraud, and alleged illegal use of FDP funds.

At the same time, the misuse of intelligence about Saddam's alleged WMD by the BND, the Geman foreign intelligence agency, was finally being exposed. Well before the 9/11 attacks, Rafid Ahmed Alwan al-Janabi, code-name Curveball, told the BND while out of work that he knew all about Iraq's illegal weapons programs, especially its mobile trucks for the production of chemical and biological weapons. He was granted asylum by the Germans on March 13, 2000, and later in the year, he was flown to Dubai where he was interviewed by his former weapons boss in Iraq, Dr. Basil Latif, who determined that his claims were all lies and flights of fantasy. British MI6 agents witnessed the exposure of his fabrications which even he ultimately acknowledged. As a result, the BND ordered him to keep a low profile in the small town of Erlangen, outside of Nurnburg.(3)

Shortly before the second vote in the UN on invading Iraq, al-Janabi was coerced in going along with his lies or his family would be expelled to Morocco. In January 2003, he was specifically asked if Iraq was still producing WMD at an alleged birdseed-producing plant, and if Saddam had mobile trucks to disttribute them, and he agreed. Consequently, they were the centerpiece of Secretary of State Colin Powell's speech on the resolution at the UN. Curveball knew what was coming from him when he got going. "He was, after all," Mark Chulov and Helen Pidd most belatedly concluded in The Guardian, "Powell's main source, a man his German handlers had feted as a new 'Deep Thoat' - an agent so pivotal that he could bring down a government." (4)

While that quickly proved to be the case with Saddam's, it soon began to threaten that of Curveball's handlers, that of the Federal German Republic. Washington, which had not been brought into his debriefings, was still convinced that finding Saddam's WMD was "a slam-drunk", to use the basketball terminology that DCI George Tenet had confided to the President. On May 29th, the President proclaimed at a Polish press conference: "We found weapons of mass destruction. We found biological laboratories. You remember when Colin Powell stood up in front of the world, and said, Iraq had got laboratories, mobile labs to build biological weapons. They're illegal. They're against the United Nations resolutions, and we've so far discovered two. And we'll find more weapons as time goes on." (5)

The truth was just the opposite, and Bush and Tenet started fearing it. Bush nearly exploded a few days later when he learned at a stopover in Qatar that neither SoD Donald Rumsfled nor chief administrator of Iraq Paul Bremer were doing anything about finding the WMD. Each thought the other was responsible, and was doing the searches. As a result, the President looked to appoint David Kay to run the new, 1,400-man Iraq Survey Group. Kay was a veteran nuclear weapons inspector who also had a Ph.D. in political science, and had uncovered after the first Gulf War how close Saddam was to having nuclear weapons despite Israeli assurances to the contrary because of its having destroyed the Osirak nuclear reactor there a decade earlier.

"Instead Kay had uncovered the covert funding for a nuclear program code-named 'PC3'," Woodward wrote, "involving 5,000 people testing and building ingredients for a nuclear bomb such as calutrons, centrifuges, neutron initiators, high-explosive lenses and enriched-uranium bomb cores. Saddam was on a crash program to build and detonate a crude nuclear weapon in the desert as a demonsration to the world, to say, 'Now we've got one.' " (6) If Washingon had known about Saddam's program, there might not have been the Gluf War. Little wonder that Kay did not now have much confidence in what the Israelis were claiming, and the Mossad knew it

And just at this time, it was claimed that Curveball was a cousin of one of Ahmed Chalabi's aides.(7) Others contend that he is the younger brother of the aide. Chalabi was the head of the Iraqi National Congress, based in London and funded by Dick Cheney's office, and the Israelis were hoping that a post-Saddam regime in Iraq would be supportive of their interests, especially in reconnecting the Iraqi pipeline from the oilfields to Haifa. Then Chalabi's newphew, Salem, became the prosecutor of Saddam, and hoped to write the new Iraqi Constitution. Seems most likely that some of the money ended up in Möllemann's German-Arabic Society, and helped pay for the leaflets, attacking Ariel Sharon's government. In sum, it seems that Möllemann was working with Chalabi's group, hoping to use the Anglo-American ouster of Saddam to assist Iranian aims.

How the Mossad and the BND determined this was the result of eavesdropping on Möllemann's e-mails and writings on his computer, thanks to the equipment that Joseph "Kobi" Alexander had developed at Verint, a subsidiary of Converse Technology. Its STAR-GATE system was intercepting and storing a large percentage of the world's voice and data communications "...through wiretaps built, installed, and maintained by a small, secret Israeli company run by former Israeli military and intelligence officers." (8) In addition, Verint could automatically access vast amounts of stored and real-time data from anywhere, and its associated system PerSay could mine messages simply on the basis of a target's voice. While Bamford stressed the capability it gave Israel's Unit 8200 to eavesdrop on what America's National Security Agency (NSA) was doing, it also applied to what Deutsche Telekom and Richard Branson's Virgin group were up to. "They undertake a wide range of technical operations and human operations," a former Unit 8200 official told Bamford. "The denials are laughable." (9)

And the use of Chalabi's information in the war in Iraq did not stop with the toppling of Saddam's regime. Operation Highlander, NSA's program to locate and eliminate suspected terrorists in Iraq, became so leaderless and disorganized that it ultimately resorted to using his lists of targets, as its linguists Adirenne Kinne and John Berry explained to Bamford. "It was part of a plan to decapitae the Iraqi leadership at the start of the war." (10) While Kinne was trying to rescue some American NGO aid workers from harm, she received a fax from the INC, listing where WMD could be found, including the Palestine Hotel where the main jouralists covering the war were staying, but failed to take action on it.

The fax should have been sent immediaely as a CRITIC, "...the NSA's highest-priority message, designed to reach the president's desk within five minutes." (10) In defending herself for the delay, Kinne explained that Chalabi had no credibility - what colleague Berry shot down by stating that she was just a collector of information, not its evaluator. She responded that it was the first time she had been queried about where a fax was, believing that Washington knew about it because it was behind Chalabi being able to have it intercepted in the first place - what she was reminded of chillingly when an article in U.S. News and World Report confirmed that the INC had been feeding misinformation to coalition forces during Saddam's ouster. She was particularly appalled at seeing the Palesine Hotel on the list since American journalists would not believe that they were being spied on and attacked, and targets were hit in highly populated areas, killing many innocent people.

In this context, Möllemann planned to cash in on all the illegal actions he had helped happen, as he explained in a piece on his personal computer: "The United Nations must officially establish and charge that Washington and London and some others led an illegal war (according to international law) on Iraq, if the United Nations doesn't wish to become the laughing stock of the world. But simply that, and our morale indignation will not take us further. Central Europe has to prepare itself for substantial long-term investments in research as well as in military. If Europe will not do this, it will remain the drawf in international politics - which we already are - and also Europe will become the economic pygmy." (11) In case Shroeder's government did get the message, Möllemann added getting rid of impediments to economic expansion, and the sacred cows when it came to protecting the labor force.

Little wonder that when the BND got the message - thanks to Deusche Telekom's ability to eavesdrop on Möllemann's cellphone calls, to collect his e-mails, and mine his writing on his computer through its Verint programs - he became a target tó be disposed of And Meir Dagan's Mossad was obliged to take him out because of its support of Chalabi and his INC. Little wonder that just before DCI Tenet discusaed on June 5th with David Kay the terms under which he would lead the Iraq Survey Group (12), Möllemann discovered that when he made another of his famous parachute jumps over Marl, near Köln, the canopy ripped away from the harness, and the emergency chute failed to open, as he struggled to regain control during the last 1,000 meters of his descent. He died instantly..

Just that morning the Bundestag had stripped him of his parliamentary immunity because of his alleged illegalities, making it look like he had mysteriously killed himself since it was first reported that there was nothing wrong with his parachute (13), and he jumped with nine friends. Of course, it made the two events look somehow covertly connected. As the real facts of the tragedy started to emerge, the authorities started claiming that it was a suicide, though he had not taken any drugs, had not left a suicide note, and those who knew him best, like former FDP leader Hans-Dietrich Gensher, thought that he would never do such a thing.

The biggest reason why the mysterious death didn't die was because Bild, the biggest tabloid in Germany, while playing it down, failed to mention the similar myterious death that German politician Uwe Barchel had suffered in 1987. Christopher Bollyn wrote an article, "The Bizarre Death of Jurgen Möllemann," making note of the failure, and using Victor Ostrovsky's 1994 claim in The Other Side of Deception: A Rogue Agent Exposes the Mossad's Secret Agenda.that one of its kidons had done the killing (14) While the claim seems to have been a bit of disinformation that the Mossad agent provided to help get the Iran-Contra covert operators, especially Ted Shackley's people, out of trouble, repeating it now just got Dagan's operators into unexpected difficulties, particularly when the article started getting exposure, even in Germany.

With the growing uncertainly about why and how Möllemann died, his killers apparently killed Royal cadet Stephen Hilder of the Royal Military College of Science in Oxfordshire, England in the hope of making such parachute accidents look quite common - which was certainly not the case - and setting a precedent for killing in Britain if that became necessary with the more damaging whistleblower about Saddam's alleged WMD,.Dr. David Kelly appearing on the scence. About two weeks later, Andrew Gilligan started getting traction on the "sexing up" claim in the dossier about Iraq's WMD, appearing before the Commons Foreign Affairs Committee as a witness - what Kelly had expressed grave doubts about. The controversy was about how many sources Gilligan had, and was one of them Kelly.

On June 30th, he finally wrote his line manager at the MoD, Dr. Bryan Wells, that he had had an unauthorized meeting with Gilligan, but that he did not believe that he was one of his sources. On July 4th, Kelly was interviewed by Wells' superior at the MoD, Richard Hatfield, who decided that Kelly was probably not Gilligan's source. (15) Seems this information was learned by the killers though the Verint capability they had which exploited Richard Branson's Virgin network, and realized that they had to act quickly to contain the growing difficulty before it became totally unmanageable..

Kelly's letter was like Kay's complaints about how poor the US Army's pursuit of Saddam's alleged WMD had been. No sooner did Wells and his superiors at the MoD start discussing what Kelly had done, and what it should do about it than the parachute assassins, apparently Mossad ones again, cut the straps on Hilder's main and auxiliary parachutes, resulting in his failling 13,000 feet to his death while performing in the Britrish Collegiate Parachute Championships on July 5th over Hibaldstow Airport in Lincolnshire.

Of course, the police originally suspected murder, arresting Hilder's fellow skydivers as suspects, but no case could be made against them. Then the police suspected other divers or spectators at the show had done it, creating only a sense of paranoia among the sky diving community since no likely suspects were found. Ten months later, the Humberside police finally resorted to claiming that it was a suicide, Hilder, while packing his chute, "had sabotaged it himself.," and that no one else could have been involved. (16) The police based the claims upon the facts that scissors in the boot of his car had fibers on it from the parachute. But since others could have had access to all, this really didn't solve anything. The Coroner for North Lincolnshire Stuart Atkinson ultimately didn't buy it, ruling it an "unexplained death," and it still is.

While the murders of Möllemann an Hilder gave the Mossad and British intelligence services breathing time to deal with the growing problems, they did not solve them, as shall be seen.

References

1. http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk/mpapps/pagetools/print/news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/2966262.stm
2. Ibid.
3. http://www.guaredian.co.uk/world/2011/feb/15/curveball-iraqi-fantasist-cia-saddam
4. Ibid.
5. Quoted from Bob Woodward; Bush at War, Part III: State of Denial, pp. 209-10.
6. Ibid., p. 215.
7. http://www.guardian.uk.co/wolrd/2005/apr/03/iraq.usa1
8. James Bamford, The Shadow Factory: The Ultra-Secret NSA from 9/11 to the Eavesdropping on America, p. 241.
9. Quoted from ibid., pp. 242-3.
10. Ibid., p. 147.
11. http://www.kulturserver-berlin.e/home/catsinthenet/june_8__03.htm
12, Woodward, op. cit., p, 213ff.
13. http://www.bbc.co./2/hi/europe/2870066.stm
14. http://www.erichufschmid.net/TFG/Bollyn_Moellemann-murder.html
15. For the timeline about developments, see this link: http://dailymail.co.uk/news/article-206756/In-focus-timeline-Dr-Kelly-affair.html
16. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1462599/Why-would-Stephen-kill-himself.html

Assassination of Zoran Djindjic: Background to Mossad Hits on Jurgen Möllemann & WMD Inspector Dr. David Kelly

by Trowbridge H. Ford

The assassination of Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic on March 12, 2003 had all the hallmarks of a coup d'etat - what various covert operators, especially ones from Israel's Mossad, had deliberately arranged to make look like one - but it was actually just a deliberate effort to get rid of the most likely troublemaker before it was too late. Djindjic seemed a most unlikely one since he had the least nefarious past of all the others who had seen to former President Slobodan Milosevic's defeat in the presidential election in October 2000, and had helped arrange his transfer to the War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague.

Djindjic, though, had a keen sense of which way the wind was blowing during Yugoslavia's recent past, and had nearly always been the first one to change directions when conditions seemed to call for it. The Prime Minister knew that the task ahead now was seeing that the war criminals, domestic and foreign, followed Slobodan to the tribunal. The only trouble in doing so was that he crossed the man who had made a career of stopping in their tracks such policy innovators: the Mossad's Director Meir Dagan.

Djindjic was born in Bosnia, the son of a Yugoslav army officer serving there, and his changes of posts soon took him to Belgrade where Zoran began a serious academic career in philosophy at its university, a most politically-charged endeavor, given Marshal Tito's efforts to steer a course between East and West during the height of the Cold War. Djindjic soon fell afoul of the authorities by organizing student demonstrations against how they conducted affairs, resulting his being imprisoned in 1974, and obliging him to flee to Frankfurt three years later so that he could complete his studies.

There he studied under Jurgen Habermas at the University of Konstantz who objected to the resigned pessimism of fellow theoretical social thinkers like Max Herkeimer, and said so in The Theory of Communicative Action. Djindjic not only took the message to heart, but went back to Yugoslavia in 1987 to spread the message by helping see that Habermas was made a member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts the following year, and that Milosevic became President in 1989.

Djindjic, while teaching at the University of Novi Sad, soon became disillusioned again about how affairs were going, helping found the radical Democratic Party (DS), and becoming its president in 1993 while organizing protests against the elections Milosevic annulled because he disliked the results. Djindjic soon, however, favored the break-up of both Bosnia and Yugoslavia because he believed that Serbs could not peacefully live with Bosniacs and Muslims. "In 1994," CNN reported after his assassination," he visited the Bosnian Serb headquarters in Pale as they laid seige to neaby Sararjevo, Reuters said," possibly resulting in his being photographed in the famous video which showed all the covert operators, probably including Israelis too, involved in the operation - what became so explosive at Milosevic's war crimes trial at The Hague. This would demonstrate that Djindjic had been most self-serving when he shipped the ousted President to the tribunal in June 2001 in exchange for $1,200,000,000 in international ecomonic aid.

Still, Djindjic was able to get elected Belgrade's mayor in 1996, thanks to the Zajedno ('Together') coalition which he put together with Vuk Draskovic's SPO party, and Vesna Pesic's GSS party, but the coalition fell apart after four months when Djindjic's radicalism could not be coopted into the President's expansionist plans at the expense of Kosovo. The demonstrations in Belgrade Djindjic organized in October 1997 to out Milosevic were completely upstaged by his confrontation with NATO over the province's future.

During the countdown to NATO's bombing campaign to force the Serbs to withdraw from Kosovo, Milosevic finally fell out with the provocative publisher Slavko Curuviga, apparently because he had learned of Yugoslavia's collusion with the Israelis in trying to oust the Muslims from Bosnia and now in Kosovo, and threatened to tell.

The publishing mogul had already tipped his hand by writing an open letter, entitled "What Now Milosevic?", to the President in October 1998, claiming that he was the source of all the country's problems. Moreover, Curuviga was a close friend of former security chief boss, Jovica Stanisic, but unlike the sacked security chief, he could not simply be silenced by being replaced by a new crony. Curuviga had his own media network, based upon the most influential daily newspaper, Dnevni Telegraf, and The European, a most important outlet if Yugoslavia ever hoped to join the EU, and if Curuviga started crowing about what had really been going on - what seemed to be in the offing when he was forced to move its headquarters to Montenegro, the Serbian dictator could be in big trouble, and he knew it.

When the bombing campaign commenced, the threats against Curuviga only increased, especially after a NATO F-111 was knocked down - thanks to the latest radar that the Israelis had apparently made available to Milosevic's presidential residence, and making Curuviga's media empire an even bigger danger. And
almost everyone was acknowledging that it was what the publisher knew, and not what any prying reporters may say which put him on the top of Milosevic's hit list. Two and a half weeks into the campaign, on April 11th, Curuviga was gunned down by two masked gunmen as he entered an apartment building complex with his girl friend.

Djindjic fled to Montenegro, fearing that he was the next target. He had already been recognized by Time magazine as a man to be reckoned with during the 21st century, and Milosevic used a picture of him shaking hands with arch-enemy Bill Clinton to help mobilize public opposition to NATO's destructive campaign.

Djindjic went even further afield when NATO action destroyed the President's radar listening post in his own residence, forcing the Chinese Embassy to supply the missing aerial reconnaissance. When this was destroyed on May 7th, NATO did to the country what the Israelis had been hoping to do in Lebanon during their recent bombardment - making it an economic basketcase by destroying its infrastructure - but Tel Aviv had to honor restrictions which NATO never faced. Three weeks later, Milosevic's forces withdrew from Kosovo, and the war ended.

Djindjic returned in July 1999 to Serbia where he was tried in camera for endangering state security but he was soon released by Milosevic. Djindjic then helped put together the forces which contested the President's re-election with Kostunica's candidacy in October 2000, and when Milosevic was defeated, Djindjic led the 18-party Democratic coalition which forced him to give up his office, and won Serbia's parliamentary elections, resulting in his becoming its Prime Minister on January 25, 2001. In the meantime, Milosevic had holed himself up in his villa, threatening to kill anyone who came to get him to answer an indictment for alleged war crimes, whether the trial was held in Serbia or in The Hague. President Kostunica had a ban on any extraditions anywhere.

Also, Milosevic's fate took on an international dimension which has not been properly aired. Just when Clinton was considering a pardon for Marc Rich because of his role with Israel in helping Milosevic combat Yugoslavia's Muslims and their ambitions, the Chinese Secret Intelligence Service's Director of Strategy, Colonel Xu Junping, defected to the United States, threatening apparently to tell all about Beijing's assistance in the process, plus much more. China became so alarmed, it seems, at the prospect of the defector telling all about Israel's and its assistance to Milosevic - undercutting any proposed trial of him at The Hague - that it forced a confrontation with Washington. On April 1, 2001, Chinese fighters forced an American EP-3E Aries II spy plane, with 24 US crewmen on board, to crash-land on China's Hainan Island, expecting to force Washington to hand over Xu Junping for the crew, especially since Beijing had lost one of its pilots in achieving the forced landing.

The American spy plane, based at the Whidby Island Naval Air Station in Washington State, was loaded with all kinds of eavesdropping, translating, and communicating systems, and the Chinese leadership was confident that Washington would quickly agree to give up Xu Junping for the most sought-after spy plane, said to be worth $100 million.

It had been monitoring the activities of a newly-purchased, Russian-made Sovremenny-class destroyer in the South China Sea - what US Navy brass considered the greatest threat to its carrier-based task forces controlling the area. While Beijing said it would treat the captured spooks as hostages until the defector was handed back, Washington stood firm against any deal, threatening long-term consequences to the Chinese relationship if Beijing persisted in its demands, resulting two weeks later in the crew being returned, but not the precious plane.

In April 2002, Gordon Thomas, the West's most knowledgeable researcher of Israeli intelligence, revealed that the Chinese were allegedly so incensed about the failure to get back the whistleblowing Xu Junping that they took dire measures to keep the former Yugoslav President from telling all at The Hague: "How China secretly helped Slobodan Milosevic during the Balkans War - and how a CSIS squad flew to Belgrade, ready to whisk Milosevic to sanctuary in China shortly before he was arrested and sent to The Hague War Crimes Tribunal." (Quoted from "China's War Inside America," no. 39, Globe-Intel, April 14, 2002.) Thomas added that both Iraq and Iran were set to go nuclear by 2005.

While Thomas's claims were most persuasive in Washington and London, they were only black propaganda of the worst kind. How Xu Junping could have known in December 2000 that the Chinese had a reckless covert plan to rescue Milosevic - who still had not been arrested - is beyond belief. There was no need to even think about rescuing him forcefully yet. Then, if the Chinese were willing to take any risk to get Xu Junping back, why did they simply hand over the 24 American hostages in a matter of only 11 days after the Hainan Island incident? There apparently was no plan that Xu Junping somehow miraculously knew about, and Beijing was ecstatic at having captured the super secret spy plane's technology - what could keep it informed about what even North Korea was doing in the way of developing nuclear weapons and missles - without serious consequences - what made President Clinton's cancellation of the contract between Prime Minister Ehud Barak and China's Jaing Zemin to ship its Phalcons to China merely a minor inconvenience.

Thomas's disinformation - what could only have come from Tel Aviv, now under the leadership of Ariel Sharon and Meir Dagan - was clearly intended to cover up its far greater assistance to Milosevic completely at China's expense. In addition, if Chinese special forces had intruded into Serbia, and tried to kidnap the former Yugoslavian President, the new authorities in Belgrade would have unanimously protested about the gross violation of its soverneignty - what America's National Security Agency (NSA) could clearly corroborate. Finally, the claim by Xu Junping that both Baghad and Tehran would soon have nuclear weapons set off alarm bells in Tel Aviv, Washington and London since they were now under the impression - thanks to the assurances by British WMD inspector Dr. David Kelly - that Saddam Hussien had finally disarmed his arsenal.

Just in February 2003, Kelly had been so convinced about what the Iraqis had done because of his inspections that he assured David Boucher, Britain's permanent represenativive to the Conference on Disarmament in Vienna, thus if the West still attacked: "I will probablay be found dead in the woods." (Quoted from Rowena Thursby, "The David Kelly 'Dead in the Woods' PSYOP," October 20, 2006, GlobalResearch, ca.) Of course, in making this prediction, Kelly was assuming that the dreaded Iraqi Mukhabarat would be his assassins because of his betrayals.

Undoubtedly, Kelly was recalling what happened to the dictator's cousins Saddam, and his more important brother Hussein Kamel, head of Iraq's weapons procurement program, when they defected in August 1995, and he told Rolf Ekeus, head of the UNSCOM inspectors, what had happened to Iraq's chemical and biological weapons programs, and that Saddam Hussein was only three months away for testing an atomic bomb when Operation Desert Storm occurred in January 1991 - what forced him to let its inspectors back into the country, and resulted in the elimination of its remaining WMD.

When the dissolutioned defectors returned in February 1996 with their families from Jordon, expecting a presidential pardon, the brothers were besieged in their villa outside Baghdad by Saddam's special forces until they ran out of ammunition, and were summarially executed while terrified relatives watched the shootout from three buses parked in its yard. No one, in sum, betrayed Iraq, and got away with it, as long as Saddam was in command.

Kelly had good reason to be concerned about his future as his past was coming back to haunt him. He was a former UNSCOM biological weapons inspector who had convinced everyone concerned that the Iraqi dictator was committed to rebuilding its WMD arsenal, thanks to the hemorrhaging of the former Soviet Union's programs, both its expertise, and its essential components in the preparation of various weapons systems. What Kelly had told reporters like Judith Miller of The New York Times, and Tom Mangold of The Observer - what appeared respectively just at this time in Germs: Biological Weapons and American's Secret Wars and Plague Wars: The Terrifying Reality of Bioglogical Wars - left no doubt that Saddam could launch a devastating biological attack on any enemy in the region he chose within 45 minutes no matter what efforts new inspectors made to discover it, and stop it. In short, it seemed that Kelly still did not believe Saddam's assurances about the destruction of all WMD systems.

The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists then gave substance to Kelly's apparent suspicions by publishing an article by William C. Potter, Djuro Miljanic and Ivo Slaus in the March/April 2000 issue about Tito's nuclear legacy, claiming that the two research reactors at Milosevic's Vinca Institute of Nuclear Sciences, just outside Belgrade, might just be helping Saddam get his bomb. Potter was the Director of the influential Center of Nonproliferation Studies at Monterey's Institute of International Studies (MIIS), and the two Serbs were defectors who claimed that they knew the current state of the Yugoslav nuclear program. According to them, the pariah state was at its wits' end - given the NATO bombing campaign, the article contended - and bankrupt Serbia might just be supplying Iraq with the necessary chemists, physicists and engineers - along with 50 kilos of weapons-grade uranium and 10 kilos of low-irradiated highly-enriched uranuim that the Soviets had supplied for the reactors at Vinca - to make devastating nuclear bombs.

Of course, the reactors had long been shut down. Yugoslavia was observing the terms of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treay, and the Institute was being regularly inspected by IAEA, but this could be just a clever ploy for some kind of rogue operation with Iraq - claims which gave credibility to a defensive pact between Belgrade and Baghdad which could result in several crude bombs being fired if Iraq were attacked again. (For more on this, see Con Coughlin, Saddam: The Secret Life, p. 306ff.) After all, even Scott Ritter, UNSCOM's chief inspector in Iraq, when he was ordered to stop inspections, and resigned, said this when departing from Iraq: "...Saddam would have as many as three nuclear weapons ready for use as soon as he laid his hands on the necessary fissile material (uranium 235 or plutonium)." (Quoted from ibid., p. 309) Ritter also revealed that he had worked with the Mossad during his seven years of alleged independent inspections of Iraq's WMD.

What was most disturbing about these claims is that they, along with other articles Potter had written, refuted what Hussein Kamel's defection and death had apparently accomplished. Though the claim that Serbia might well have supplied Saddam with enough uranium to create several nuclear bombs was based upon the ancient, unsubstantiated assertions of Vinca's director Stevan Dedijer back in the 1950s, it fitted in nicely with Potter's previous claims that Iraq still seeking to become a nuclear power. On April 3, 1998, he had an Op-Ed piece in the New York Times, "The Case Russia Forgot," asserting that Moscow had supplied Baghdad with hundreds of sophisticated gyroscopes for missiles, "...designed to deliver nuclear-warheads to targets more than 4,000 miles away," and in a subsequent article in the Bulletin of the Atomics Scientists, he elaborated upon the plot Moscow had apparently engaged in but continued to deny.

Rather than permit Milosevic to be exposed probably by Yugoslavia's enemies as the provider of Iraq's needed nuclear material - what The Daily Telegraph and The Times were committed to doing, thanks to continuing input from the Mossad, and what would obviously embroil it in the ouster of Saddam - Djindjic had worked behind the scenes to help defeat Milosevic in the election in October 2000, and then he arranged his shipment to The Hague when it seemed that Milosevic's remaining friends - particularly the Chinese, Israelis, and now President Kostunica - were desperate to prevent it for fear of damaging blowback about what the former President had actually done for all concerned. In the process, the Serbian Prime Minister got an additional $l billion in aid to help rebuild the country, what he helped accelerate by breaking up the socialist economy with market reforms, and then going after the old communist bureaucrats who had lined their pockets while this was occurring.

The result reduced the Yugoslav President to a mere figurehead - a condition that Serbia's Djindjic made more obvious by adopting a loose federation with its only member remaining, Montenegro, before its expected departure too - and Kostunica was soon suspected of plotting the Prime Minister's assassination. The only things holding it back were amassing the necessary resources to make it happen with impunity, and to make sure that Yugoslavia was not found to be the supplier to any WMD that Saddam was finally found to have, especially nuclear ones - what could only be a certainty after his regime had been smashed. Kostunica surely did not want to go to the extreme of getting rid of Djindjic, only to discover that he was left holding the bag for the previous President's transgressions, particularly if there were several dirty bombs exploded in the process, and tens of thousands of people consequently killed.

While explaining how Washington and London were maneuvered into attacking Iraq would require a much longer article - what Israeli intelligence played such a leading role in that Ariel Sharon, soon after he was elected Prime Minister in 2001, made his campaign strategist Meir Dagan the Mossad's director general - the whereabouts of the alleged, missing Vinca nuclear material from Yugoslavia was the driving force behind those who wanted to get rid of Saddam Hussein but the last thing they wanted to openly admit because it would show that the destruction of Milosevic's regime had only compounded problems in the Middle East. When time for the planned showdown with Saddam came, though, Washington was in no doubt that the real danger was his having nuclear weapons - what resulted in the White House constantly alluding to nuclear mushrooms when it came to the danger Saddam presented.

As Vice President Dick Cheney told a VFW convention in Nashville on August 26, 2002, "Many of us are convinced that Saddam will acquire nuclear weapons fairly soon." (Quoted from David Barstow, William J. Broad, and Jeff Gerth, "How the White House Embraced Disputed Arms Intelligence," The New York Times, October 5, 2004.) The only problem was putting together a few bombs since the Iraqis already had the knowhow and equipment required.

While Cheney was certain of the immediacy of the danger - thanks to all the information that Ahmed Chalibi's Iraqi National Congress (INC) had been able to collect for Tel Aviv - he could not afford to panic the public, so he acted as if the Iraqis were still in the process of getting the required nuclear material. The INC, based in London, and funded by the US, was Cheney's answer to everything when it came to Iraq's WMD. Cheney told the VFW veterans, though, that Saddam had gotten high-strength aluminum tubes to use as clandestine centrifuges for the preparation of high-grade nucelar material - reviving the worries that Potter had much earlier raised. Then Cheney claimed that the Iraqis were in the process of getting 500 tons of yellowcake from Niger that the centrifuges would diffuse the nuclear material from.

Of course, if these claims were true, the emergency was less pressing than Cheney claimed as it would take quite awhile to make the required explosive material from the source in question.

At the same time, Matthew Rycroft, Tony Blair's private secretary for foreign affairs, put together the now famous Downing Street Memo - the precurser of the infamous Downing Street Dossier aka 'dodgy dossier'. During the summer of 2002, SIS Director General Richard Dearlove had gone to Washington for talks about the Iraqi situation, and returned with alarming news, as Rycroft duly reported in the memo after a secret meeting of top officials at No. 10: "Military action was now seen as inevitable. Bush wanted to remove Saddam through military action, justified by the conjunction of terorrism and WMD. But the intelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy. The NSC had no patience with the UN route and no enthusiasm for publishing material on the Iraqi regime's record." (Quoted from Henry Porter, "Now we know what we know, why is Blair still in office?," The Guardian, October 22, 2006.)

Dearlove was back at the Prime Minister's residence on September 12th, reporting to Blair, Campbell and others drafting the Iraqi dossier that one of its agents in Baghdad had developed an informant within the Iraqi military who could confirm that Saddam could hit any target he wanted within 45 minutes with deadly chemical or biological weapons - a capability that former UNSCOM inspector Dr. Kelly had always feared but thought Saddam had rid the country of in 1998. The source of the new threat was centered around Dr Rihad Taha aka Dr Germ. "Mossad's dossier on Dr Germ," Gordon Thomas wrote in January just before the invasion. "details her terminal experiments on Saddam's prisoners with anthrax, botulism, and ricin." Dr Germ was putting into practice at places like Iraq's Salman Park what she had learned while studying at the University of East Anglia, and doing research at Porton Down where Kelly was also based.

The Israeli government, through the Marc Rich Foundation, then panicked the West with two articles in the September 2002 issue of The Middle East Review of International Affairs which claimed that Saddam had secretly created a similar, deadly chemical and biological capability - what was so persuasive that it soon became the centerpiece of Downing Street's October dossier about Iraq's WMD, thanks to the drafting assistance of John Williams, the Foreign Office's director of communications, and a close friend of Blair's spin doctor, Alastair Campbell.

Robert G. Rabil, in "Operation 'Termination of Traitors': The Iraqi Regime Through Its Documents," claimed that the Anfal chemical campaign during the final stages of the Iran-Iraq war was just a testing ground for mass, systemtic murder of its dissidents and neighbors in order to prevent the regime's destruction - what Ibrahim al-Marachi indicated in another article that the Iraqi dictator, thanks to his overlapping, ruthless security network, had been able to keep completely secret from the outside world.

To add Saddam's alleged biological warfare threat to the fray - what made for DCI George Tenet's absolute confidence about finding WMD in Iraq, and was incorporated in its National Intelligence Estimate which persuaded Congress to vote for the war - MIIS's Potter declared in an Op-Ed piece, "Invade and Unleash?," in The Washington Post on Sepetember 22, 2002 that the return of the weapons inspectors to Iraq might quicken the use of its "deadly biological weapons assets". Might it not be better, Potter suggested, to remove the risk by just taking out the regime immediately by mounting an invasion. "Indeed," Potter concluded, "much as Israel's nuclear force often is charaterized as a 'weapon of last resort,' so might Iraq's biological weapons be viewed in Saddam Hussein's mind as an asset to be employed only if his regime were on the brink of destruction (as in, 'If we are going to go, we'll take someone with us'.)"

When President Bush was still convinced that the biggest threat that UNSCOM faced when returning to Iraq was some kind of nuclear retaliation by Saddam - what started with the return of the inspectors, under Hans Blix, in November - Potter helped lead a letter campaign to US Senators, making sure that the government increased its program to allow Iraqi scientists and their families to leave the country so that they could safely tell investigators where all the WMD weapons were hidden without fear of reprisals. Despite the fact the Bush had been told by the CIA with "moderate confidence" that Iraq was still four to six years away from having nuclear bombs, Bush told an audience in Cinncinnati on October 7th in no uncertain terms of the risk: Facing clear evidence of peril, "we cannot wait for the final proof - the smoking gun - that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud." (Quoted from Bob Woodward, State of Denial, p. 97.)

When the UNSCOM inspections went ahead in Iraq without any signs of it having nuclear weapons, and nothing had surfaced during the trial of Milosevic in The Hague about Israel having helped him and Saddam in various ways - Djindjic even calling the proceedings a fiasco during which the former dictator made fools out of the prosecution - Kostunica allegedly started planning the Serbian Prime Minister's assassination. In December 2002, Cedomir Jovanovic, a former bodyguard of Milosevic's who assisted the peaceful surrender of the former dictator in his villa, and now was Djindjic's troubleshooter with Serbia's underworld, apparently arranged a hit on the Prime Minister at Kostunica's alleged behest.

He visited Zemin Gang bosses Dusan Spasojevic, a corrupt businessman and close friend of Milosevic's, and Milora Lukovic aka 'Legija', former leader of the Red Berets, while they were serving time in prison. They, it seems, made a deal whereby they would be sprung from prison in return for assassinating Djindjic.

Jovanovic was most bitter about what had proved to be the totally unnecessary capture and extradition of Milosevic to the ICCY - what was established beyond all question when Mohammed ElBaradei, head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, reported to the UN Security Council on January 27, 2003, that "...we have to date found no evidence that Iraq had revived its nuclear weapons programme since the elimination of the programme in the 1990s." During the next few months, he assured the Council, if his inspectors were allowed to continue their work, the claim, it seems, would be proven decisively.

While the two assassins recruited to kill Djindjic were released from prison in January, there were several feeble attempts before the fifth one succeeded with deadly precision. It seems they were attempting to scare Djindjic from going ahead with a growing anti-Israel agenda in Serbia's pursuit of joining the EU - what Sweden's Foreign Minister Anna Lindh was taking the lead in. While she wanted to see the former communist country adopt a viable form of social organization - one the West approved of - she was increasingly taking an anti-Israeli line, ultimately even calling for Brussels to break diplomatic relations with Tel Aviv. More pressing, she was vehemently opposed to the Iraq war, and the extra-judicial killings of suspected terrorists and their alleged supporters. When Djindjic went to a meeting with her on March 12, 2003, the two assassins - having lain in wait all night for the hit -killed him with shots to the chest from long range as he was getting out of his limosine for the encounter.

The highly conspiratorial character of the assassination was well demonstrated throughout, from the cameras being turned off when the killing occurred, though the cameramen was there, to the eventual shootout with the alleged assassins two weeks later. A state of emergency was declared, and over 1,000 people were arrested to make it appear that coup was underway at the expense of President Kostunica, though the Minister of Interior Dusan Mihajlovic had declared immediately that Spasojevic and Lukovic were the assassins. The security forces even demolished Spasojevic's compound in an attempt to kill him - what set him and a Lukovic up for the fatal shootout on March 27th.

The only trouble with it - like almost all conspiracies - was that the Lukovic was not 'Legija' but Milan Lukovic. The famous Red Beret leader had been tipped off about it, it seems, most probably by the Mossad since it made the assassination seem just a messy Serbian matter, and fled secretly to Hungary, only to reappear 14 months later when affairs were much less volatile.

Things did not cool down because Israeli intelligence had so cooked the books when it came to Iraq's alleged WMD - what became incorporated in the Pentagon's war plan, and assigned to the 75th Exploitation Task Force (ETF) with NYT reporter Judith Miller embedded in its ranks to make sure that nothing was missed as the 946 locations on the WMD Master Site List were liberated. (Jeffrey Steinberg had made the contrived character of the case crystal clear when he published right before the invasion - what had helped prompt Djindjic's murder - "Behind the Iraq Dossier Hoax: Intelligence Was Cooked in Israel," in the February 21, 2003 issue of the Executive Intelligence Review, showing that it was almost completely copied from the Middle East Review of International Affairs September 2002 issue.) Still the Pentagon was ecstatic about the possibilies, given the WMD intelligence case Secretary of State Colin Powell had presented to the Security Council on February 5th when trying to get a resolution to approve of the war.

While during Saddam's ouster from power, the ETF found nothing to justify Powell's wild accusations, as Woodward has explained: "Each time they seemed to have found something that could be portrayed as a smoking gun - an alleged stockpile, a vat or even a small vial of biological weapons - it would soon be discredited." ( p. 210.)

Bush still was over-the-top about the matter - as when he declared "Mission Accomplished" in Afghanistan - declaring on May 29th while travelling through Europe that Iraq's WMD had, indeed, been found. While in Poland, he declared: "We found biological laboratories. You remember when Colin Powell stood up in front of the world, and he he said, Iraq has got laboratories, mobile labs to build biological weapons. They're illegal. They're against the United Nations resolutions, and we've so far discovered two." (Quoted from p. 209) Despite the fact that they turned out to be labs for supplying hydrogen to weather balloons, the Pentagon appointed the 1,400-man Iraq Survey Group (ISG), under the direction of veteran UNSCOM WMD inspector David Kay, to settle the controversy.

As soon as DCI George Tenet had arranged for Kay to become a member of the Agency, he wanted him to immediately start the necessary field work, but Kay wanted to read all the WMD intelligence about what had happened in Iraq since he had left UNSCOM. After a solid week of reading reports and sitting through Agency and Pentagon briefings, he was appalled by what he had learned. "It was nothing new," Kay recalled, since the previous UNSCOM inspections ended in 1998. "Everything after that either came from a defector or came through a foreign intelligence service in an opaque sort of way." (Quoted from p. 216.)

Kay was referring to intelligence agencies like the Mossad, Britain's SIS, Germany's Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND) and assorted American ones, and informants like the BND's Curveball, the Mossad's source on Dr Germ, and MI6's Iraqi military informant about Saddam's 45-minute, strategic chemical and biological threat.

Curveball, for example, turned out to be the only source for Iraq's mobile biological weapons labs that Powell spoke so menacingly about, and Kay was "aghast" that he was never interviewed by any service but the BND and that none of them had taken seriously his known alcoholism. All that was left of Saddam's revived nuclear program - the missing uranium 239 from Belgrade's Vinca Institute, its Serbian scientists, the Russian gyroscopes for Saddam's IRBMs, the Niger yellowcake, the high-specification aluminum tubes for centrifuges, etc. was the aluminum tubes, and they were apparently for simply firing rockets. And the Iraqi military intelligence officer who allegedly confirmed Kelly's worst fears about Saddam's chemical and biological capability had never even been contracted by MI6.

By the time Kay's ISG completed its preliminary investigations in Iraq, all the serious claims had come to nothing. But in attributing blame for the failure, Kay was most careful not to say too much about the faults of the Mossad, MI6, and the American atomic scientists. Of course, there was no mention of the various Israeli dossiers, SIS's operating on a completely hearsay basis, and what scientists like William Potter, Djuro Miljanic and Ivo Slaus had published in journals like the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, much less what they had told Western intelligence services while protected by a security blanket. The closest Kay came to letting the cat out of the bag was when President Bush persisted in asking him who he thought ran the world's best intelligence service in light of the colossal fiasco: "In my experience, it was not the British or the Israelis, despite their reputation. In my judgment, the best one is the Chinese." (Quoted from p. 280.)

Later, we learned when Kay testified before the Senate the following January about the ISG's conclusions that he had consulted with Dr. Kelly about the complete surprise. "Mr Kay said he had been expecting Dr. Kelly's arrival in Iraq to help the search for biological weapons programmes, and had spoken to him shortly before his death. 'He never had any doubts about Iraq's programmes,' Mr Kay said." (Quoted from Julian Borger, "Admit WMD mistake, survey chief tells Bush," The Guardian, March 3, 2004.)

The reason why Kelly never made it to Iraq was because he was tricked by his employer, the MOD, to talk to the BBC's Andrew Gilligan who "sexed up" his answers so much about Iraq's alleged WMD capability that the Prime Minister outed his identity for public ridicule and political assassination on July 17, 2003.
To facilitate this killing with the least risk and possible blowback, Dagan's service seems to have assassinated not only German policitican Jurgen Möllemann but also English Royal cadet Stephen Hilder in parachute accidents, as a subsequent article will describe.

Why Most Confused Neo-Nazi Anders Breivik Finally Went on the Rampage In Norway

by Trowbridge H. Ford

Without doubt, the most destructive, recent 'false flag' operation has been the 'sleeper cell' one that the Mossad put together to entrap neo-Nazis wanting memorabilia of Hitler's regime - particularly pieces of the entrance sign to the Auschwitz concenteration camp - to help fianance attacks on governments which were not doing enough for Israel.(1) It turned into an uttter fiasco when middleman in any transfer, Anders Högström, turned whistleblower - what ultimately induced the terrible blowback by Anders Brevik in Norway. He turned deadly on the authorities who had aided and abetted its efforts without real results up until then, killing 77 of the up-and-coming supporters of Norway's government by bombing Oslo's government center, and then shooting Labor youths being indoctrinated to take over on a nearby island.

The attacks were more deadly and destructive of Israeli interests than the so-called Lavon affair where agents of the Israeli Defence Force, posing as agents of Egypt's Nasser regime, carried out attacks on American and British facilities in 1954, only to be caught red-handed in the process. The blowback then only resulted in the execution and imprisonment of the culprits, and undermined the reputation of many of Israel's leaders while the blowback from Breivik's massacre destroyed much of the support that the Jewish state had in Scandinavia.

Meir Dagan's Mossad was most upset by the surprise fiasco as it expected the heist of the Auschwitz rntrance sign to be the crowning achievement of his tenure as director - what would restore flaging support for Israeli interests because of what Hitler's regime had done to the Jews during The Holocaust. The sign would be transported and cut up in Sweden for sale to collectors of such memorabilia for money which neo-Nazis would allegedly use to finance terrorist attacks upon Swedish government buildings and leading politicians because of weak support of Israeli interests, especially their supplying support for Muslims displaced by the continuing conflicts in the Middle East. This way Tel Aviv would achieve the best kind of result - rekindling support for its claims about anti-semitism while hurting those who cared for those hurt by its conflicts while at the least risk of any serious blowback.

The mission had been hastily called after the expected death of rabid anti-semite James von Brunn who had shot up the American Holocaust Museum in Washington the previous July, and whose trial because of the murder of a security guard was sure to garner new support for Israel.

Högstrom was most interested in setting up infamous neo-Nazi millionaire, Lars Göran.Whalström, in Sweden as the cruel collector of such memorabilia. Högstöm had started the violent Nationalist Front in the early 1990s, apparently with Whalströms help, but he turned against it in 1999 after it assassinated trade unionist Björn Söderberg. He also started the group Exit to assist like-minded neo-Nazis leaving the movement. The heist was a 'false flag' operation to make up for the unexpected death of von Brunn.

The Mossad was planning on selling it to targets whose exposure - like Marc Garlasco of Human Rights Watch, and later a UN most Senior Human Rights officer -would be more productive. Garlasco really isn't an anti-semite, and denier of The Holocaust, only an official who did not suit Israel's interests while dealing with the Palestinians. When Högström discovered that the stolen sign was not on its way to Sweden, but stored nearby Auschwitz to be shipped on a Corendon airliner to Israel where it would later be transported elsewhere for sale, he turned informer.

Breivik was most interested in arranging a sale with an English millionaire in Stockholm of the same sort for the Mossad mission because he was starting to run out of funds because of his comings and goings. He apparently had financed his operations by selling gifts he had been given to avoid the authorities wondering where his funds were coming from. Högström's informing made any operation difficult to put together, forcing him to rely more and more on just his own efforts.

There were also problems of sending Högstrom to Poland for his involvement in the crime because he could stymie an extradition request by justifying what he had done - what would certainly reveal Corendon's involvement in the shipment, and that would implicate Captain Thomas Salme in the process. Salme had gotten into flying while working as a mechanical engineer for SAS airlines at Arlanda Airport. He could have become a role model for the 9/11 highjackers as he just decided to move into the cockpit by forging the necessary credentials while practicing on a flight simulator for Boeing 737s.

As Salme expalined on the Kevn Trudeau Show about the crude Swedish flying permit he put together with just a logo and a regular piece of white paper: "It wasn't laminated, and looked like something I'd put together at home." (2) At the time, the commercial flying business in Europe, especially cargo flights, was lacking qualified pilots, and he used the shortage without question to pilot flights for 13 years with Air One, Jet 2, Apollo, Air Sweden, and Turkey's Corendon where he had been a captain for two years.(3)
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The Swedish Transport Authority, to make up for its lack of oversight regarding Salme's being a pilot, and to take advantage of what Högstrom knew, got rid of the problem by tipping off ones in Holland about his lack of qualifications, and he was conveniently arrested just before takeoff in a Coredon flight from Amsterdam's Schiphol Airport on March 3, 2010.

For all the trouble and embarrassment Salme had caused, one would hardly know it by the way he was treated. A Ducth court fined him $2,500 for flying without a license all those years, and prohibted him from flying for a year. Then he was treated as a celebrity, appearing, for example, on the Kevin Trudeau Show, as if he were just another crazy highjacker who found fame for it. Jouranlist and publicist Stefan Lovgren is helping Salme write his autobiography, 13 Years in Heaven, and found a publisher for it. It will apparently appear in 2012 - thanks to Norstedt's, one of Sweden's oldest, and most respected publishers, taking it on. Certainly showed, as the old adage goes, crime pays.

Breivik certainly didn't miss the disparity in treatment between Högström and Salme, deciding that he would proceed alone, as best he could, in his efforts - a crusade which not only settled scores with his betrayers but also with the authorities who had not taken them too seriously. In late August and early September, Breivik was in Prague to purchase arms for some kind of shootout. He even hollowed out the areas underneath the seats of his Hyundai Atos so that they could be filled with an AK-47, a Glock pistol, and rocket and hand grenades. Brevik even took up a prospectus about mining so that it could justify his seeking explosives for even greater carnage. He came back to Norway empty-handed, though, discovering that it was easier to obtain such items in Oslo than in the Czech Republic.

Meanwhile, Högström had the book thrown at him by the Polish authorities. Once he had been extradicted there, it was just a matter of time before he was sent to the cooler. Marcin Auguscinski, who had been recruited by Högström to do convenient neo-Nazi missions while he worked on his family's estate in southern Sweden, filled in all the details about the theft that he and other Poles had carried at Högström's direction, leaving no other one higher to be exposed in the Mossad operation. By December, Högström was headed for 32 months in prison for serving as its middleman - what he managed to be served in Sweden by year's end because of his cooperation in the investigation.

Breivik by then had decided to use a suicide bomber to do the trick, relying upon what the English Defence League (EDL) had been able to gather to finance such operations, and an operative to do it. The EDL had long had a jihadist, Glasgow nursing student Ezedden Al-Khadeli collecting money in bank accouts that he had esblished at TSB, the Post Office, The Halifax, and The Bank of Scotland, often with the use of stolen identities. He had become at jihadist while attending the University of Luton, along with Swedish resident Taimour Abdulwahab aka Al-Abdaly. He was persuaded to become a suicide bomber, thanks to almost all the money that Al-Khadeli had collected. The target would be Stokholm streets - not its government buildings and officials as originally planned, it seems, by Whälstrom's neo-Nazis - filled with Christmas shoppers.

The plan was an ingenious one where an unsuspected jihadist obtained the necessary equipment - fertilizer, pressure cookers, batteries, and mobile phones to trigger the explosions - and set them off in a country whose capital was considered one of the safest places on the planet. While the Czechs had put Breivik on the watch list for wanting similar items, the Norwegians didn't, considering him not to be dangerous. Anders helped in the disguise by buying on the internet 300 grams of sodium nitrite - a good chemical to triggeer an explosion - from a Polish supplier, Wroclaw, just at this time, showing that he was apparently using the fertizer he had bought to further his mining plans back home.

On December 11th, it was easy for Al-Abdaly to drive into central Stockholm from a suburb, park his car on Drottingatan, and set it afire - what caused people to take shelter when it feebly exploded. Then he went into another street, and his bomb belt started exploding, most likely accidentally, killing himself and injuring two passersby. He, it seems, didn't know how to wire a string of bombs in series with cables.

The most suspicious aspect of the suicide bombing was that an onlooker suddenly appeared on the site, and took zoom-photos of the dying bomber - what two people witnessed, and a 24/7 surveillance camera had taken pictures of belonging to a shopowner who had installed across the street for his own security. The police, and the security agency, Säpo, were surprisingly not interested in viewing it - what could at least identify who he was.

Thr bombing certainly did not have the desired effect of Islamophobes, though it did quite frighten the public. Sweden did not tighten up its security laws. The eavesdropping agency, FRA, was not given greater powers to find such suspected terrorists - what was used by some to explain the litttle success that the suicide bomber had had. More important, the Swedish government did not tighten up its admission of immigrants, especially Muslims from the Middle East, from seeking sanctuary in Sweden. The most telling sign of the mission's failure was the e-mail which was sent to Säpo and the Swedish news service (TT), demanding that Sweden withdraw its 500 troops from the NATO mission in Afghanistan, and justifying such violence because of Swedish cartoonist Lars Vilks protraying Mohommad as a dog (4) - what the government has gone out of its ways to show that it has no intention of changing these policies.

The failure of Säpo and the police to take advantage of the video that the shopowneer offered looks more suspicious, though. The government, in November, had appointed a special prosecutor to look into the American Embassy in Stockholm, spying unlawfully on Swedish citizens. It was going along with what the Norwegians were doing when similar charges were made about the Embassy in Oslo.(5) In neither, it seems, had American security informed the respective government authorities of what they were doing - what could only be justified in Stockholm if the Americans had placed signs below their dozen monitoring cameras, explaining that they were taping the scene.

It would prove most contradictory if the Swedish authorities then used the illegal videos that the shopkeeper had made to get to the bottom of the plot, so they just forgot about the whole matter, especially since only the suicide bomber had been killed in the bombings.

The person most upset by all this was the photographer who had taken the close-ups, apparently Anders Breivik. Instead of having a scene of carnage whose photographs would put all people in Scandinavia on notice about the capabilities of Muslim jihadists, he was left with little more than close-ups of the incompetent deceased - what were of no use to him or anyone else.

Despite all the claims about Breivik's verbal abilities, he was most involved in photography and creating art to represent his reality. This he now used in finishing his famous 2083 - A Europesan Declaration of Independence, and his day-by-day entries in his diary. It was filled with all kinds of pictures, photos, digitally-enhanced images, cartoons, and made-up propaganda in case viewers could not glean the meaning of his verbal attacks upon cultural marxism, multiculturalism, islam, muslim immigration, feminisim, and the like. It is a illustration of what can be done with photo psychology and reading pictures.

Anders' fixation on his looks was well illustrated when he went to America for a face job after some Muslim friends had broken his nose, scared his forehead and chin in a fight which helped make him an islamophobe. His incredible narcissism was portrayed in the self portraits he took of himself as a Freemason, a Norwegian military hero, and a covert operator or photographer - what he is most worried about authorities suppressing now with less glamoress ones. The killer is obsessed with appearances - what was the root cause of his undoing.

More important, it revealed a knowledge of Anders Högström which everyone, especially authorities in Norway, have completely forgotten about. Instead of talking about it in a way which would expose and hurt Högström for his betrayals, though, Breivik spoke of him as a like-minded comrade in arms. "Now we have come to the conclusion," Swedish afternoon daily Aftonbladet explained, "that mass murderer Anders Behring Breivik believed that plans (for such attacks) could have been started by his sister-cell in Sweden."(6) About who was leading the sister-cell, Breivik hoped that it was Högstörm, leading one of the neo-Nazi organizations in Sweden. "I have always wondered, " Breivik added, "if there are real nationalsocialists or like-minded persons who are supporting my efforts. Perhaps, there are comrades who are with and connected to the knights Templar, my sister-cell?" (7)

Breivik was also setting up shop and testing explosions in Norway so that he would prove far more effective in arousing the West about the threat than Al-Abdaly had. In May 2011, he finally gave some semblance of life to his alleged farming interests by buying six tons of fertilizer for bomb making at his Geofarm at Åsta, 83 miles northeast of Oslo, and then moving there to test a bomb - what he accomplished on June 13th. He claimed that the project cost him around 300,000 euros.

It took him - the knight Justiciar grandmaster of the new Templars who he had even portrayed himself in the closing pages of his manifesto when the Muslims had allegedly been chased back by 2083 to where they had come from - another six weeks to get his targets straight, and screw up the courage to get it started. He had to find some competent Muslim he could trust to do a bombing in Oslo, something he thought was impossible and never materialized. Or else, he had to find some like-minded Norwegian who waa willing to become a suicide bomber to achieve his goals.

But in making up for Högstrom's betrayals, and Al-Abdaly's imcompetence, he overlooked the facts that he was not a Muslim, and Högstrom was never on his side, so doing dirty work allegedly with them was bound to become increasingly confusing.

One can only suspect that his original supporters - especially Director Meir Dagen of the Mossad, now not wanting to retire on such a risky note - had decided that Breivik had outlived his usefulness, and had dropped him, explaining why he decided to turn the tables on it by attacking those in Scandinavia who opposed its efforts, not realizing how stupid it would seem, and counterproductive it would be.

As a Norwegian, he should have settled for a car bomb at one of its mosques, and taken his chances by fleeing the country .By bombing public offices in Oslo, resulting in eight deaths, and killing another 69 at the Labour Party's Worker Youth League summer camp at Utoya only made some kind of sense until the authorities found out that he was just like them, another native Norwegian. He had just lost the thread of the whole plot while atttempting to carry it out.

What had triggered the chaos was the announcement by Eskil Pedersen, the head of the Labor Party's Youth Movement, that it was calling upon the government to impose an "unlimited economic embargo of Israel from the Norwegian side" because of its continuing mistreatment of the Palestinians, as the tabloid Dagbladet reported two days before the shooting. The announcement sent him into a complete tailspin which he resolved by setting off the van, filled with explosives outside the goverment complex, only to rush off to the island to kill those who were willing to support the embargo until his cellphone pleas to the security authorities as one of its Commanders to stop it was achieved when its Delta force arrrived on the scene, and he had run out of ammunition.

In short, because of the confused, convoluted history Breivik had had in trying to punish the jihadists at old neo-Nazi expense, he had become the paranoid schizophrenic that his apologists belatedly acknowledged.

References

1. For more, see my article about the Auschwitz sign heist.
2. Jesus Diaz, "The Guy Who Flew Thousands Of Passengers As A Fake Pilot," May 18, 2010.
3. For more, see: http://www.thelocal.se/25330/20100303/
4. http://edition.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/Europe/12/11/Swden_explosion/Index=html?hpt=T1
5. http://cnn.com/2010-11-06/swden_us-investigator_swedish-law-Swedish-authorities-stockholm?_s=PM:WORLD
6 http://aftonbladet.se/nyheter/terrordadetinorge/article13376839.ab
7. Quoted from ibid. in english.

MI5 Killers Sabotaged Chinook Helicopter That Crashed at Mull of Kintyre in 1994 Finally Exposed?

by Trowbridge H. Ford

The fog has never really cleared since an RAF Chinook helicopter crashed through it on the Hill of Stone at the Mull of Kintyre on June 2, 1994, killing all 25 intelligence agents and the crew of four on board while on its way to Fort George in Scotland to attend an annual conference on counterterrorism. While the incident is of more recent vintage than Bloody Sunday when British soldiers, epecially of the Parachute Regiment, cut down forteen civilians after shots were fired by unknown parties, the helicopter crash caused 29 victims. In addition, the Army massacre occurred in an area where plans had long been made for meeting some such incident, the crash came as a complete surprise. Ultimately, both incidents were the subject of several inquiries which resulted in quite changing explanations of the tragedies. The only sure thing is that Bloody Sunday helped usher in direct rule from London while the helicopter crash helped usher it out.

During 1971, the Official and Provisional Irish Republican Armies had established "no-go" areas in Derry, much unlike the situation in Belfast, and much to the British Army's disgust. London's introduction of internment without trial earlier had been in the hope of seperatiing the troublemakers from the general Catholic population in the expectation of re-establishing some kind of stability but it wasn's working in Derry.To deal with the problem, London adopted the plan of Commander Land Forces, Major General Robert Ford, of carrying out a search and control operation for the gunmen while clearing away the barricades.(1)

In explaining the policy, Ford and lower commanders made it increasingly possible that protesters might be aimed at, and shot in any confrontation over its implementation. This occurred when protesters marched on January 22, 1972 to Magilligan Point to show their opposition to internment Then after the Provisionals shot dead two Royal Irish Constabulary (RUC) police officers, the first in the growing conflict, the Brish Army tried to prevent a similar march from reaching Derry's Guildhall Square a week later by employing the First Parachute Regiment to help "scoop up" the troublemakers.

All hell broke loose on January 30th when a crowd of 10,000 protesters started marching on the City Centre, and a group of troublemakers broke off from the main group as it neared it to confront the barricading soliders. At the same time, straggers started engaging the Paras who had taken up position on the high wall behind the William Street Presbyterian Church. Then shots were exchanged, six in all, one apparently by the Offical IRA, and the other by the British Army, hitting two persons who they falsely claimed to be nail-bombers, and only one of whom was involved in the IRA in the march. Then the military forces behind the barricades, assisted by the Paras, executed a pincer movement against the rioters who were confronting them. In the ensuing mele, a youth was killed in the courtyard of the Rossville Flats."The other tweleve victims of 'Bloody Sunday' died elsewhere." (2) Again, it was a question of who had fired first, if at all on the marchers' side, and how many rounds.

The tragedy was investigated by Lord Widgery, the Lord Chief Justice of England, and he rushed to judgment in no uncertain terms on the side of the forces, merely compounding what was seen by almost all as a outright victory for the Provisionals, as direct rule on London soon followed.

The only trouble was that the IRA, instead of sitting on their laurels and waiting for the British chickens to come home to roost, went on the offensive, culminating in their own Bloody Friday which turned the tables back in Britain's favor. The Offical IRA set off a bomb on February 22nd at the Paras' headquarters in Aldershot, killing five cleaning ladies, an Army chaplain, and a gardener.(3) Then there was a bombing in Derry, and a killing of a young Royal Irish Ranger which caused such blowback against the Officials that they were obliged to call a ceasefire. While the Provisionals were soon obliged to follow suit because of similar mistakes, the whole situation changed for them when they caused Bloody Friday on July 21st - setting of twenty car bombs in Befast, killing nine people and injuring 130.

Instead of the Provos, and the Brits for that matter, admitting their mistakes, and seriously chaning their ways, they just refined them, focusing them more on military targets, and trying to reduce the collateral damage. The battle, consequently, waxed and waned for both sides. The British had the upper hand most of the time, and only losing it when they overplayed their military advantage. This was most obvious during the SAS operations all over the province in the late 1970s after its introduction into South Armagh, Operation 'RANC' against selected targets by Secretary of State Humphrey Atkins' Army after the assassination of Airey Neave,and the cull of Provisionals after the Olof Palme assassination failed to trigger a non-nuclear conculsion to the Cold War at the Soviets' and Gaddafi's expense. About suich shoot-to-kill operations, Father Raymond Murray grimly concluded in The SAS in Ireland that there was no UK solution to the Troubles since the military was on a war footing, and given a license to kill.(4)

Surprisingly, this prediction did not prove to be true, showing once again that even the best informed experts are little better than laymen in predicting the future. Murray's failure was compounded by the fact that he had relied upon the most involved, dedicated politician in making it, the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. At the Brighton Conservative Party Congress in 1988, the town where she had almost been assassinated just four years earlier, and after the SAS had shot dead those three Provo volunteers at Gibraltar, she declared: "We shall never give up the search for more effective means of defeating the IRA. If the IRA think that they can weary or frighten us, they have made a terrible miscalculation. People sometimes say that it is wrong to use the word 'never' in politics. I disagree. Some things are of such fundamental importance that no other word is appropriate. So I say once again today that this Government will never surrender to the IRA. Never." (5)

Margaret Thatcher proved to be her own political gravedigger in making Murray wrong, and she herself right. It all started when the Prime Minister went beserk when Captain Simon Hayward' biography, Under Fire: My Own Story, appeared. Hayward, apparently Olof Palme's assassin who had subsequently been set-up on a drug-smuggling charge in Sweden to conveniently get him out of the way for the still unsolved crime, had written most bitterly about how the Foreign Office and Ministry of Defence personnel had dealt with his problems there, and now Foreign Secretary Sir Geoffrey Howe had allowed it all to be made public - what could only arouse questions about what else was going on.(6) Seemingly out of the blue, the Prime Minister sacked the Foreign Secretary and the Secretary of Defence George Younger had resigned in protest over Howe's treatment.

While this profound shake-up was never explained, only crudely covered up by her underlings, and in her autobiography, it had long-term consequences upon her tenure as Prime Minister. Howe, demoted to Leader of the House of Commons, a completely useless post, was most bitter about his treatment, waiting for a chance to get even. The loss of Younger was even more important since he had handled Thatcher's re-election the last time she was up for party leader. Without Younger, there was no one willing to mobilize support for her, and in a growing political vacuum, she isolated herself even more as her closest adviser on Northern Ireland, Ian Gow, was assassinated in July 1990 in a way which most recalled Airey Neave's murder.(7) It seemed hardly deserved after the British had allowed the IRA's last flying column attack on its Derryard outpost to escape without loss after it had killed two soldiers of the King's Own Scottish Bordereres.

The attack was the long-delayed 'tet' offensive, designed to spark an uprising in the North to join the Republic - what had long been delayed by the capture of the Eksund, loaded wíth Libyan weapons for the Provos. Since the SAS culls of their volunteers, culiminating with the one on The Rock, the Brits had had to play it cool because they overdid it, losing their prime source in the PIRA Council, aka "Steak Knife", in the process. He helped organize the booby trap which killed six British soldiers in Lisburn in June 1988, and the Semtex improvised explovie device which killed another eight along the Ballygawley-Omagh Road two months later.

Peter Brooke had taken over as the Northern Ireland Secretary of State by then, and stunned the public on November 1st that if the IRA stopped their violent activities, the Government might well be obliged to negotiate a settlement with it.(8) This was taken by the Provos as a sign of weakness by the British, so they carried out an attack on the mainland, killing 11 Royal Marine bandsmen at Deal, Kent in following September.

The attack on Derryard, near Rosslea, on December 13th proved how wrong they were. The surprise attack by about 20 volunteers from Fermanagh in the Republic was heavily armed with a flamethrower, and two heavy 12.7mm DShK machine guns mounted on armored vehicles. Others with armed with 11 AK-47s and grenades. No sonner had the attack started, Moloney has written, than "...the column itself came under attack. Heavy gunfire was directed at its members from fields about fifty yards away, while a British army Wessex helicopter appeared from nowhere over a nearby hill. the column fled, leaving behind the primed van bomb." (9)

It was the greatest humiliation that the Provos ever suffered during the Troubles, and this once it could not be blamed on any tout, especially 'Steak knife", tipping off the Brits as he had participated in the attack. The British had learned of it by military eavesdropping in Ulster on their preparations. Its 'Vengeful' system of computers checked on the movement of vehicles concerned while the 'Crucible' one followed the movements of its personnel.(10)

The fallout from the fiasco was so damning that the Provos were obliged most reluctantly to declare a three-day-ceasefire over Christmas - what the media chose to see as a response of Brooke's offer. (11) This revived peace talks which had been dormant for a decade. Only this time, it was "Steak Knife" himself who was dealing with the leading MI5 official John Deverell in Derry rather than MI6's Michael Oatley under now the excuse that the PM was still not interested in talking to the Provos because it would be seen as an obvious U-turn by the *Iron Lady'.

Then a ruse had to be invented to get her out of the way, and make her subordinates do the dealing. Thiis was kicked off by the former Foreign Secretary Howe
challenging her style of leaderhp in his famous resignation speech in the Commons on November 13th. This was seen as opening the door for Michael Haseltine, her arch enemy, replacing her - what seemed to be happening when his challenge for the party leadership resulted in a second ballot on the issue. She chose to see it as failing a vote of confiden, and resigned, to everyone's surprise, as PM. She even tried to stay on without its support, but her colleagues would not hear of such an unprecedented effort. Perhaps, it was just a ruse to show how committed she was against any dealings with the Provisionals.

With the 'Iron Lady' out of the way, steps to arrange a settlement gathered pace. The most imporant one was to hand over the computers systems to the RUC's Special Branch so that it could stop violent incidents while bringing their perpetrators to account rather than just allowing the covert operators do another ambush or cull. The leader of the new approach was Detective Chief Inspector Ian Phoenix.

He was the last policeman one would expect to get the position - having served nine years in the Parachute Regiment, and well acquainted with its former Commaning Officer Peter Chiswell who in 1982 became Commander, Land Forces, Northern Ireland. Perhaps that was the whole idea bejind his appointment. Despite his career during which he had become a Lance Corporal, he had grown tired of struggles, and was most desirous of achieving a peaceful settlement in the province - what led his colleagues in the SAS on more than one occasion to wonder why they were there then. Phoenix even devised an SAS airborne response to another Derryard assault, one which called for the use of no less than eight helicopters.(12) He even suggested the mounting of Tannoys on them, and the playing of Wagner's "Ride of the Valkyries" if their use had ever become necessary

The ensuing struggle between peacemakers and warmakers in Northern Ireland has been more complicated then than anyone imagined, especially from the British side. While the Provos were slowly brought along, thanks to the convenient imprisonment of '"Steak knife" apparently aka Padraig Wilson so that he would not be assaasinated by his more aggressive colleagues, and could bring imprisoned ones along with the peace process, the British were confronted by keeping it officially going by having still a government in Westminster which would endorse it, stopping the infigfhting by warmakers on the mainland and in the province from continuing their disputes, getting counter insurgency elements in Northern Ireland and on the mainland to go along with a single agenda, and forgetting about complaints all concerned had about changing what they had long been involved in. In all this, despite appearances, Phoenix's RUC Special Branch group, involved in reducing political terrorism to just another form of domestic crime, was most central to the process.

Unfortunately, it got off to a most counter productive start after Private Lee Clegg, along with fellow soldiers, of the 3rd Battalion of the Parachute Regiment gunned down Martin Peake and Karen Reilly as they sped past a check point in West Belfast on September 30, 1990. The couple from Fermanagh, along with passenger Markiewicz Gorman, were on a joy ride after having stolen a car but the security forces suspected them of being Provo terrorists. Unwisely, the soldiers involved made out that the stolen car had hit Clegg in the process - what was completely demolished when BBC Panorama reporter John Ware discovered that a "... cardboard cut-out dummy of the Astra, decorated with bullet holes, fixed to the wall of the 32 Para's canteen near Belfast...The caption, on the wall above the dummy...said "VAUXHALL ASTRA: BUILT BY ROBOTS. DRIVEN BY JOY-RIDERS.. STOPPED BY 'A' COMPANY." (13)

The biggest trouble was not only were joy-riders made out to be terrorists, but also Karen Reilly was no Provo volunteer but the adopted daughter, it seems, of RUC policeman, and colleague of Phoenix's, John Reilly whose wife Diane who had been married to James McGrillen when she had Karen.(14) McGrillen, an IRA volunteer, had been shot dead similarly in 1976 for car theft. While the killing of Peake and Karen Reilly had just been a result of the Paras going after alleged Provo terrorists, the Reillys saw it as the result of Pheonix's Special Branch going slow on stopping real terrorism, goading the ´Paras to do more. Despite the fact that Ian and Susan Phoenix tried to band with the Reillys over the tragedy, making out that it was simply an accident, and even Ian attending her funeral despite orders against it (15), the Reíllys would not have any of it. Phoenix, it seems, had made a mortal enemy which norhing could undo.

On an institutional level, matters were just as bad in the province and on the mainland because MI5 aka the BOX thought that the RUC was not doing enough to stop Provo terrorism when it was actually doing more despite appearances. MI5 officials were completely turned off when they discovered while on a vist to the province, Phoenix and his agents having a champagne briefing in the morning during which 18 bottles were consummed for an SAS colleague who was leaving (16). Still, the unit, soon upgraded, was providing 80% of the intelligence which was stopping terrorist attacks. The biggest bone of contention between the BOX and Phoenix's unit was over who was directing the ASUs in Britain which were causing most of the havoc.MI5 believed that it was Sean McNulty in North Shields, and Phoenix's SB unit thought it was Phelim Hamill of Queen's Univeristy.

The biggest asset Phoenix had in stopping IRA killing was Martin McGartland aka 'Carol'.(17) McGartland began informing on the activities of 'H' whose ASU specialized in booby-trapping cars. Thanks to his leads, Ian's people prevented a Ulster Defence Regiment soldier from being blown up in North Down, prevented the blowing up of a policeman and a shopping center on November 1, 1990, and then it almost caught 'H' red handed with his bomb making factory.In all, McGartland was credited with having saved 50 people from death at the hands of the Provos.Ultimately, 'Carol' was captured by the Provos' Civil Administration Team aka the torturers, and only escaped death by jumping out of a windon when they were panicked by a helicopter passing overhead. With his cover blown, McGartland was forced to flee to Britain where he was given a new life as Martin Ashe in Whitley Bay, and £100,000, apparently by MI5.

While the SB unit proved ultimately to be right on the matter, leading to the closing down of Hamill's ASU in England, MI5 took over control from the Mets' Special Branch in May 1992 in stopping Provo operations on the mainland.To gain similar control in Northern Ireland, MI5 wanted to have more direct access to its intelligence - what Phoenix complained to its boss about, and he completely agreed, though it didn't stop. The matter came to a head when the top-secret intelligence conference took place in June 1993 near the Mull of Kintyre at the Machrihanish Air Base in Scotland. "Box claimed that it was not happy," Phoenix recorded bitterly in his diary, "with the Special Branch's 'passage of intelligence' and 'would willingly put some of their people in support of us. Kind of them',"(18) In the spring of 1994, Phoenix discovered that MI5 was carrying out operations which the RUC knew nothing about - what became Standard Operating Procedure after he was no longer there to stop it.(19)

Ian continued his fight against the Security Service by socialing more with the province's secuirty people, and increasing the unit's ability to gather intelligence about intended violence through electronic and human sources. On the day before he went to the 1994 top-secret security conference in Fort George, he even got
£2,000 for a handler to recruit a new Provo source.(20) Then Ian asked an alleged trusted colleague, apparently Reilly, if he could borrow his best Barbour jacket for the trip as he planned to do some hiking between conference meetings. Ian then met him over coffee, and "they briefly discussed the PIRA peace moves and how they might be pushed forward."(21) Then he went home at 2 PM to have lunch, and pack for the 5:45 PM from RAF Aldergrove, only to have the Reilly call again. "Have a good weekend. See you Monday." (22) It seemed a bit contrived, like someone wanting an alibi while being involved in some unknown covert action.

"In an interview hours before the crash, the Head of Special Branch (Bob Fitzsimmons) had told Sunday Times journalist Liam Clarke that Adams was trying to end the violence: 'However, he questioned Adams's ability to do so, and believed that a final decision to stop the killing would not be taken until security forces had weakened the terrorist structure.' " (23) Seems that Fitzsimmons' confidence was based upon the security establishment in Northern Ireland having resumed contact with McGartland, and he was on the ground at the Mull of Kintyre to be picked up so that he could be taken to the conference. He would tell it that the Provos were on the ropes, thanks to what he and Phoenix's people had done - what would be a great embarrassment and set-back to the BOX.

When the Chinook was loaded at Aldergrove, there were 25 secuirty officers on board - ten from the RUC, nine from military intelligence, and six from MI5 - plus a crew of four to fly the machine. After it had been airborne for 13 minutes, its passenger list was put through the shredder for secuirty reasons to help hide what was really going on.(24) Just before impact, the pilots changed the way point (WP) to the one at Corran, removing their immediate postion at the Mull of Kintyre from disclosure(25) The flight was then obliged to use a Covert Personnel Locator System (CPLS) where persons on the ground with a portable handset steered the helicopter in for the landing by a UHF radio signal which is received onboard. The only trouble was that it wasn't the landing pad they wanted but a "vertical corner" which forced it into crashing into the Mull's Hill of Stone, killing twenty nine people whose bodies were found on the ground.(26)

The person they planned to pick up, apparently Martin McGartland, witnessed the crash and was horrified by it. Instead of the conference being obliged to work on closely with the RUC, especially its SB, it just acknowledged that MI5 ran everything now because there was really no one else. The source who McGartland wanted to develop, whoever it was, didn't need to be told that the Provos best hopes in a settlement had been greatly reduced by the crash. Little wonder that three months later, after everyone had been consulted on the mainland and back in Ulster, those in prison and those not, the Provos announced their long-awaited ceasefire. Under the circumstances, Prime Minister John Major, who had taken over for Howe when Maggie sacked himl, was quite subdued about the situation, doubting that it would hold up, but it did.

Conditions got worse for MCGartland when a board of inquiry reported without pointing the finger at the pilots, only to have two senior RAF officers add just that. The inquest could not come up with any answer either for the crash.

When the sabotaging of the Chinook seemed well and truly buried, MI5's Director General at the time was allowed the unprecedented liberty of publishing her intelligence memoirs, Open Secret, and, of course, she nothing of substance about it, only that she was most upset about the deaths of the RUC officers, especially that of Bob Firzsimmons, the head of its SB. The names of her own staff lost, particularly that of DCI John Deverell, was never mentioned.

Then Annie Machon, with help from David Shayler, added complete fiction about the confrontation in Spies, Lies & Whistleblowers where the RUC was hardly mentioned at all, and its Special Branch and Ian Phoenix never. The struggle with the Provisionals was seen as all a mainland matter, and its slowness in dealing with the challenge timely and properly. The only time Northern Ireland was mentioned in any serious regard was when collague William Perkins - name changed on orders of Mi5, and apparently Jonathan 'Bob' Evans who is its Director General - was obliged to go to the province just before the crash, apparently to make the necessary arrangement. There can be no doubt that Perkins is Evans after she wrote this: "He looked much older than his age, 38, as he was almost totally bald on top and had a Zapata moustache, which also dated him."(27)

The best example of the cover up occurred when Perkins was sent off to Northern Ireland on this note by his head of section: "And what ca we say about Bill? He has had to suffer the double misfortune of being posted to Northern Ireland wihtout his wife and of having broken his right wrist." (28)

The best evidence of McGartland being the man to be picked up is how the Provos have gone after him, once he became known to the public in the Northeast when the NOrthumbria police caught him speeding, and discovered who he really is. Provos almost killed him for it in 1999, shooting him six times. By this time, he had written about 'Carol's exploits against them, Fifty Dead Men Walking, which was recently made into a successful film, though McGartland didn't like it.

He did go out of his way to say that the pilots of the Chinook must be cleared, and when judge Lord Philip did just this last July, he was ecstatic on facebook: "True Heroes Place Themselves at Risk for the Benefit od Others, to save lies. Many of those who died were leading anti-terrorism experts who had made such a valuable contribution to defeating terrorism in Northern Ireland and on the UK mainland." (29)

Only time will tell if those who sabotaged the Chinook are finally brought to justice.



References

1. Peter Taylor, Brits: The War Against the IRA, p. 85.
2. Ibid´. p. 99.
3. Ed Moloney, A Secret History of the IRA, p. 111.
4. p. 454.
5. Quoted from ibid.
6. For more, see my article at: http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article5318.html
7. Paul Routledge, Public Servant, Secret Agent, p. 350ff.
8. Taylor, op. cit., pp. 313-4.
9. Moloney, op. cit, p. 334.
10. Tony Geraghty; The Irish War, pp. 158-9. It is interesting to note that after the book appeared in 1998, and the eaverdropping role in achieving a settlement became better known, Geraghty was prosecuted, and almost sent to prison for discussing these systems which were so important in bringing the Provos to heel.
11. See, e. g., Taylor, p. 315.
12. Jack Holland and Susan Phoenix, Phoenix: Policing The Shadows, pp.249-51.
13. Geraghty, op. cit., p. 104.
14 Ibid, p. 108.
15. Holland and Phoenix, op. cit., pp. 276-7.
16. Ibid., p. 240.
17. For more, see ibid., p. 262ff.
18. Ibid., p. 324.
19. Ibid., p. 326.
20. Ibid., p. 331.
21. Ibid., p. 332.
22. Quoted from ibid.
23. Quoted from Mark Urban, UK Eyes Alpha, p. 277
24. Holland and Phoenix - op. cit., p. 333.
25. Ibid., p. 350.
26. For more, see this link: http://globalresearch/PrintArticle.php?articleId=27828
27. p. 98.
28. Quoted from ibid.
29. http://www.facebook.com/pages/Agent-Carol-Martin-Marty_McGartland/165603323467348